06-16-2007, 09:42 PM
SCANDAL OF THE CENTURY ROCKS BRITISH CROWN AND THE CITY
Jeffrey Steinberg
http://larouchepac.com/pages/breaking_ne...entury.asp
On Wednesday, June 6, the British Broadcasting Corporation aired a sensational story, revealing that the British arms manufacturer BAE Systems, had paid more than $2 billion in bribes to Saudi Arabia's national security chief and longtime Ambassador in Washington, Prince Bandar bin-Sultan, over a 22 year period. The BBC revelations were further detailed on June 11, in a one-hour Panorama TV documentary, provocatively titled "Princes, Planes and Pay-offs," which detailed a more than decade-long probe by the Guardian, BBC, and the British Serious Fraud Office (SFO), into the Al-Yamamah arms contract, a nearly $80 billion, 22-year long deal between BAE Systems and the Saudi government, in which British-made fighter jets and support services were provided to the Saudi Kingdom, beginning in 1985.
Every British government, from Margaret Thatcher, through John Major, to Tony Blair, has been thoroughly implicated in the BAE-Saudi scandal. In December 2006, Britain's Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, ordered the SFO probe shut, declaring that any further investigation would gravely jeopardize British national security. Prime Minister Blair fully backed his Attorney General, and is now scrambling to complete the fourth phase of the Al-Yamamah deal before he leaves office next month.
The furor that followed the Goldsmith announcement triggered a number of international investigations into the BAE Systems scandal, including by the Swiss government and the OECD (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, the so-called "rich nations" club). More recently, the U.S. Department of Justice has reportedly opened a probe into money laundering and possible violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, on the part of the British and the Saudis. The estimated $2 billion in cumulative payoffs to Prince Bandar, for his role in brokering the Al-Yamamah deal, went through the Saudi government accounts at Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., thus opening the U.S. jurisdiction.
While the various British investigations into the Al-Yamamah (Arabic for "the dove") arms deal did unearth a vast network of front companies, offshore shells, and corrupt politicians, who benefited richly from the deal, EIR's own preliminary investigation into the scandal has uncovered a far more significant story, one that will send shock waves through the City of London financial circles, as well as top figures within the British monarchy, who are all implicated in a far bigger scheme that goes to the very heart of the Venetian-modeled Anglo-Dutch Liberal system of global finance, which is now on its last legs.
Al-Yamamah
In 1985, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in part frightened by the ongoing war between its neighbors Iran and Iraq, which had reached a highly destructive phase known as the "war of the cities," sought to purchase large numbers of advanced fighter jets to build up their Royal Air Force. Initially, the Saudis sought approval from the Reagan Administration to purchase American-made F-15 fighters. The Saudi F-15 deal required Congressional approval, and the America Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) waged a massive effort to kill the sale. According to several well-informed Washington sources, Howard Teicher, a senior official on the Reagan National Security Council (director of Near East and South Asia, 1982-1985; senior director, Politico-Military Affairs, 1986-1987), also played a pivotal role in the AIPAC effort, which ultimately succeeded in killing the deal. Teicher, according to the sources, withheld information from Reagan, stalling a Congressional vote until AIPAC had fully mobilized, and then convinced the President to withdraw the request, rather than face an embarrassing defeat in the Congress.
Other sources have offered a slightly different version of the failure of the F-15 deal, claiming that intelligence community estimates, since the mid-1970s, had warned of instability in the Persian Gulf, and that there were, therefore, other reasons to question the advisability of the sales of advanced U.S. military technology to Saudi Arabia, particularly after the Khomeini Revolution in Iran.
Whatever the reason, the F-15 deal failed. The very next day, after the Reagan Administration threw in the towel, Prince Bandar, the Kingdom's de facto chief diplomat to Britain, the Soviet Union, and China, as well as the U.S.A., flew to London to meet with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. British arms sales did not require parliamentary approval, and the British government, in 1966, had created an agency, the Defence Export Services Organization (DESO), to hawk British arms around the globe. BAE Systems had been created in 1981, when Thatcher privatized the British arms manufacturing industry, which had, only four years earlier, been nationalized under the Labour government. And BAE Systems, the largest arms manufacturer in Europe, dominates the British defense sector.
The Bandar trip to London to confer with Thatcher had been in the works for months. A Ministry of Defence briefing paper, prepared for the Thatcher-Bandar sessions, stated, "Since early 1984, intensive efforts have been made to sell Tornado and Hawk to the Saudis. When, in the Autumn of 1984, they seemed to be leaning towards French Mirage fighters, Mr Heseltine paid an urgent visit to Saudi Arabia, carrying a letter from the Prime Minister to King Fahd. In December 1984, the Prime Minister started a series of important negotiations by meeting Prince Bandar, the son of Prince Sultan.... The Prime Minister met the King in Riyahd in April this year and in August the King wrote to her stating his decision to buy 48 Tornado IDS and 30 Hawk."
Thatcher also had every reason to feel confident that Bandar would be the perfect interlocutor between Saudi Arabia and Great Britain in the deal of the century. At age 16, several years after his father, Prince Sultan, had been named Minister of Defense of the Kingdom, the Prince was sent to England to study at the Royal Air Force College Cranwell, the elite officer's training school for future RAF pilots. At least one senior American intelligence official has reported widespread rumors that Bandar was recruited by MI6, the British Secret Intelligence Service, before he finished his RAF training. Other sources, intimately familiar with the goings-on at BAE Systems, report that the "private" aerospace giant has a sales force made up almost exclusively of "lads" recruited to MI6 before their hires.
Whether or not these reports are accurate, Bandar certainly is a serious Anglophile. The best accounts of his adventures in England appear in the 2006 book, The Prince—The Secret Story of the World's Most Intriguing Royal (HarperCollins, New York), by William Simpson, a Cranwell classmate, and still-intimate pal of the Prince. Simpson, who wrote the book with the full cooperation of Bandar, recounted his friend's intimate ties with every occupant of 10 Downing Street.
"In London," Simpson reported, "Bandar would breeze into Number Ten with unhibited panache. From Margaret Thatcher to John Major to Tony Blair, Bandar's access was extraordinary." By Prince Bandar's own account to Simpson about Al-Yamamah, "When we first made the agreement, we had no contract. It was a handshake between me and Mrs. Thatcher in Ten Downing Street." It was months before the final details of the Al-Yamamah deal were finalized, and the contracts signed. But even before the ink had dried, Britain had provided the initial delivery of Tornado jets—from the inventory of the RAF.
By the time the formal Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the British and Saudi defense ministers on Sept. 25, 1985, the original order had been expanded to 72 Tornado fighter jets and 30 Hawk training aircraft, along with other equipment and services. There have been two subsequent deals, Al-Yamamah II and III, and Al-Yamamah IV, worth as much as $40 billion in additional arms deliveries, is in the final stages.
Oil-For-Aircraft
The Al-Yamamah deal was structured as a barter arrangement. While the Saudis did agree to pay cash for certain services and infrastructure construction under separate sub-contracts—and those cash payments went, in part, to "consulting fees" or bribes, including the $2 billion to Prince Bandar's accounts at Riggs Bank, and similar reported payments to the Chilean dictator Gen. Augusto Pinochet and the Dutch Royal Consort, Prince Bernhard—the essential contract involved the Saudi delivery of oil to Britain, in return for the fighter jets.
And here is where the story gets really interesting.
Saudi Arabia agreed to provide Britain with one tanker of oil per day, for the entire life of the Al-Yamanah contracts. An oil tanker holds approximately 600,000 barrels of oil. BAE Systems began "official" delivery of the Toronado and Hawk planes to Saudi Arabia in 1989. BAE Systems now has approximately 5,000 employees inside Saudi Arabia, servicing the contract.
Is it possible to place a cash value on the oil deliveries to BAE Systems? According to sources familiar with the inner workings of Al-Yamamah, much of the Saudi oil was sold on the international spot market at market value, through British Petroleum and Royal Dutch Shell.
EIR economist John Hoefle has done an in-depth charting of the financial features of the oil transactions, based on BP's own daily tracking of world oil prices on the open market. Using BP's average annual cost of a barrel of Saudi crude oil, Hoefle concluded that the total value of the oil sales, based on the value of the dollar at the time of delivery, was $125 billion. In current U.S. dollar terms, that total soars to $160 billion.
Based on the best available public records, the total sticker price on the military equipment and services provided by BAE Systems to Saudi Arabia, over the 22-year period to date, was approximately $80 billion. And those figures are inflated by billions of dollars in slush fund payouts. Indeed, the latest limited-damage scandal around Al-Yamamah erupted in November 2006, when a Ministry of Defence document leaked out, providing the actual sticker price on the fighter jets. The figure confirmed the long-held suspicion that the prices of the jets had been jacked up by at least 40%.
BAE Systems, a crown jewel in the City of London financial/industrial structure, secured somewhere in the range of $80 billion in net profit from the arrangement—in league with BP and Royal Dutch Shell! Where did that money go, and what kinds of activities were financed with it? The answer to those questions, sources emphasize, holds the key to the power of Anglo-Dutch finance in the world today.
Prince Bandar's biographer and friend William Simpson certainly provided an insight into the inner workings of the Al-Yamamah project: "Although Al-Yamamah constitutes a highly unconventional way of doing business, its lucrative spin-offs are the by-product of a wholly political objective: a Saudi political objective and a British political objective. Al-Yamamah is, first and foremost, a political contract. Negotiated at the height of the Cold War, its unique structure has enabled the Saudis to purchase weapons from around the globe to fund the fight against Communism. Al-Yamamah money can be found in the clandestine purchase of Russian ordnance used in the expulsion of Qaddafi's troops from Chad. It can also be traced to arms bought from Egypt and other countries, and sent to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan fighting the Soviet occupying forces."
In effect, Prince Bandar's biographer confirms that Al-Yamamah is the biggest pool of clandestine cash in history—protected by Her Majesty's Official Secrets Act and the even more impenetrable finances of the City of London and the offshore, unregulated financial havens under British dominion.
The Saudi Side of the Street
For its part, the Saudi Royal Family did not exactly get ripped off in the Al-Yamamah deal. When the contract was signed in 1985, according to sources familiar with the arrangement, Saudi Arabia got an exemption from the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The barter deal with BAE Systems did not come under their OPEC production quota. In other words, Saudi Arabia got OPEC approval to produce 600,000 barrels a day, above the OPEC ceiling, to make the arms purchases.
According to the Energy Information Administration, a branch of the U.S. Department of Energy, over the life of the Al-Yamamah program, the average cost of a Saudi barrel of crude oil, delivered to tankers, was under $5 a barrel. At that price, the annual cost to the Saudis for the 600,000 barrels per day was $1.1 billion. Over the duration of the contract to date, the cost to the Saudis of the daily oil shipments was approximately $24.6 billion. The commercial value, in current dollars, as noted above, was $160 billion.
The Saudis have forged a crucial partnership with the Anglo-Dutch financial oligarchy, headquartered in the City of London, and protected by the British Crown. They have, in league with BAE Systems, Royal Dutch Shell, British Petroleum, and other City giants, established a private, offshore, hidden financial concentration that would have made the British East India Company managers of an earlier heyday of the British Empire, drool with envy.
At this moment, there is no way of calculating how much of that slush fund has been devoted to the clandestine wars and Anglo-American covert operations of the past two decades. Nor is it possible to estimate the multiplier effect of portions of those undisclosed, and unregulated funds having passed through the hedge funds of the Cayman Island, the Isle of Man, Gibraltar, Panama, and Switzerland.
What is clear, is that the BAE Systems scandal goes far beyond the $2 billion that allegedly found its way into the pockets of Prince Bandar. It is a scandal that goes to the heart of the power of Anglo-Dutch finance.
There is much, much more to unearth, now that the door has been slightly opened into what already appears to be the swindle of the century.
JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OPENS BAE PROBE
Lord Goldsmith Admits Withholding Facts from OECD
June 15, 2007 (LPAC)--The U.S. Justice Department has opened a preliminary investigation of whether the British aerospace company BAE paid bribes to win contracts in Saudi Arabia, Chile, and elsewhere, the Los Angeles Times reports today. Citing several unnamed U.S. law enforcement officials, the Times says that the investigation is focused on whether BAE violated the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and U.S. money-laundering laws.
The Times's sources emphasized that the DOJ investigation is more extensive than previously reported. "It's not just the Saudi payments that are an issue here," said one official, adding that BAE deals with many other countries are also being scrutinized, and calling it "a company-wide thing."
The Saudi side of the probe, according to U.S. law enforcement officials, centers on Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the former Saudi Ambassador to the U.S., who is otherwise known to be a close ally of Vice President Dick Cheney.
Meanwhile, in a letter to Sir Menzies Campbell, leader of the Liberal Democrats, Britain's attorney general, Lord Goldsmith admitted to the fact that information was withheld from the anti-corruption probe by the OECD of the BAE-Saudi Arabia deal.
Lord Goldsmith wrote that he himself was not involved in any decision to withhold information, that was made by the Serious Fraud Office based on "national security" interests. "I did not know the judgment the SFO had reached about this issue until it arose in the media last week.... I gave no orders, instruction or advice to the SFO about that." He did admit that his director general, Jonathan Jones was at the Paris meeting with the OECD to "deal with the national security aspects" and that Jones "was aware in general of what the SFO proposed to say and participated in the discussions in preparation for the working group meeting." He then claimed that "what level of detail to give about particular payments" never arose in those discussions."
In response Sir Menzies said, "These events get curiouser and curiouser. Major decisions...were taken by officials and not by those with direct ministerial responsibility. The plain unvarnished truth is that Britain did not reveal significant information to the OECD."
TWO "ETHICS" PIG PENS APPOINTED IN LONDON-A COMMON TROUGH
June 15, 2007 (LPAC)--BAE Systems, the worlds largest arms company, accused of covert-payments crimes which threaten to blow up the Anglo-Dutch imperial system, has hired a committee of experts to inquire whether the company is ethical.
Another, similar, panel of experts has been hired by private equity companies -- under increasing public attack for piratical corporate takeovers and asset-stripping that is erasing jobs everywhere -- to work out ethics rules that will block governments from regulating or interfering with this financial warfare.
The two panels are interlocked.
Last March, facing fire from trade unions and foreign governments, Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown and the pirate firms' own trade association together appointed Sir David Walker, a former City of London investment banker and Bank of England executive, to chair the private equity working group.
Sir David Walker immediately appointed to his panel Lady Sarah Hogg, chairman of the giant "3i" private equity firm. EIR readers will recall Lady Hogg as the ringleader of the group that sacked BBC Director General Greg Dyke for standing up to the Blair-Cheney war lies; and recall that her "3i" firm is used to financially sponsor the Blair-Cheney slander campaign against Lyndon LaRouche.
On June 15, BAE Systems named former English Chief Justice Lord Harry Woolf to chair its experts panel. One focal point for the U.S. Justice Department interest in the BAE covert-payments scandal is the Persian Gulf Kingdom of Qatar, the alleged scene of huge BAE bribes which were reportedly laundered through the island of Jersey. Lord Woolf is himself currently in Qatar, where he has been hired by the new Qatar Financial Centre to run the "legal system" for an unregulated speculators' paradise that is explicitly modeled on the City of London.
Lord Woolf immediately appointed Sir David Walker -- who is of course busy running the other (private equity) panel -- to be on the BAE Systems' self-checking panel.
On being named to his lucrative post, Lord Woolf said "It is of importance to BAE Systems and this country that BAE Systems' ethical standards are irreproachable. BAE Systems believes this is the case. I am, however, agreeable at BAE Systems request to be Chairman of a wholly independent committee of unquestionable integrity to ascertain whether this is the case and, if in the committee's view this is not the situation, to identify the improvements BAE Systems needs to make so that BAE Systems can make the necessary changes."
BAE: KEY TO UNDERSTANDING BRITAIN'S ROLE IN ORCHESTRATING THREE GULF WARS
June 19, 2007 (LPAC)--As one of the largest arms sales in history to the Middle East, the BAE deal is key to understanding Her Majesty the Queen's direct role in orchestrating the three Gulf wars of the last three decades, including the 1980-89 Iraq-Iran war, the 1991 Gulf War and the current Iraq war. It is also key to understanding the British role in the proposed war against Iran.
The object of these wars has been to destroy the two most important countries in the region, Iran and Iraq, as a key to resurrecting the global British Empire. This was best expressed by a retired British Military officer, who served as Her Majesty's military attache in Iraq in the 1980s. When the Gulf War began in 1991, he told this news service: "My dear sir, you have to understand this is how we built the British `Empah'. We had two powerful countries we wanted to destroy, in this case Iran and Iraq. We got them into a war and sold weapons to both sides. Just at the appropriate point we dried up on one and let the other beat him. Then we only had one country to destroy." This referred to the tilt towards Iraq in 1988, which led to the defeat of Iran. Three years later Iraq was manipulated into the war against Kuwait, only to be destroyed in the Gulf War.
The LPAC story, "The Queen's Connections to the BAE Scandal" touched on the direct role of Her Majesty's Crown Agents in the original BAE deal. The groundwork for this was laid by Sir John Cuckney, now Lord Cuckney of Millbank, who in the 1970s was Chairman of Crown Agents and Director of Millbank Technical Services, which, in 1978 was transferred to the Defense Ministry and renamed International Military Systems Ltd (IMS). Cuckney served as chairman of IMS until 1985. It was his replacement, Sir Colin Chandler, a BAE executive seconded to the Defense Ministry, who in 1985 negotiated the BAE deal.
In organizing IMS, Cuckney laid the basis for the massive arms and munitions sales to both Iran and Iraq during the first gulf war, the Iran-Iraq war. At the same time, Cuckney served as Director of the British Midland Bank between 1978 and 1988, where he founded and headed its Midland International Trade Services, the bank division expressly organized to sell the tools of war to both Iran and Iraq. Through these institutions Britain organized a European-wide network to sell arms and munitions to both Iran and Iraq in violation of the United Nations' sanctions against arms sales to both countries.
IMS, which was headed by Sir Colin Chandler between 1985 and 1989, was the key facilitator in this trade in weapons to Iran and Iraq. IMS had offices in both Iran and Iraq as well as in Saudi Arabia throughout the duration of the war. At stated above, Chandler was simultaneously a BAE executive and organizer of the BAE-Saudi deal.
The second Gulf War was initiated only after British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher convinced President George Bush Sr. to "liberate" the Kingdom of Kuwait, which was considered nothing more then a British satrapy. It was Thatcher's advisors, such as Lord Cuckney, who organized the BAE deal only a few years before. It was then her successor Tony Blair, the Labor Party "Thatcherite," who marched into Iraq with the British stooge Vice President Dick Cheney.
BAE-CONNECTED RIGGS BANK HAS LONG HISTORY AS BRITISH ASSET
June 19, 2007 (LPAC)--The Riggs Bank, the Washington-based institution at the center of the BAE Saudi scandal, has a long history as an asset of the British Crown. Riggs, while never in the league of the huge New York banks such as JP Morgan, was a strategically placed institution in the Washington area, often doing the finances for Presidents and legislators. Central to the financial operations of government institutions, it was once referred to as "just about the closest thing we'll ever have to a Bank of the United States." Indeed, other reports indicate that, during the first decades of its existence, Riggs was the "best known American banking institution" throughout the Far East.
Riggs bank grew out of a dry-goods firm started by a Baltimore financier George Peabody, who got his original financing from Elisha Riggs. Peabody partnered with Riggs to form Peabody Riggs in 1836, officially becoming a bank in 1852. During that time period, Peabody relocated to London, where he lived out the remainder of his life. While in London, Peabody developed close ties to the monarchy, including Queen Victoria herself. He also established relationships with both Junius Morgan and Nathaniel Rothschild, and was a central figure in the establishment the JS Morgan Bank, which was later transplanted to the US as JP Morgan Bank.
Peabody also had excellent relationships with another anglophile Baltimore firm (established in Liverpool), the Brown Brothers. Alexander Brown came to Baltimore in 1801, and established what is now known as the oldest banking house in the United States, still operating as Brown Brothers Harriman of New York; Brown, Shipley and Company of England; and Alex Brown and Son of Baltimore. Those relations may have been maintained through the years, for in 1998, J Carter Beese, a man who had spent the majority of his career at Alex. Brown, joined the board of Riggs.
In 1973, Riggs would become the first bank to open a facility with a foreign embassy, at the request of the British embassy itself. By 1980, Riggs will have established its first branch in a foreign country, at the US Embassy in London, supposedly at the request of the US State Department. In 1994, Riggs reportedly established the Riggs Bank Europe, through purchase of the Anglo-Portuguese Bank. In 2003, Christopher Meyer, the former British ambassador to the US, will directly join the board of the bank, just as the scandal involving the bank's connections to the Saudis and Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet are beginning to surface.
In the immediate aftermath of the Bank's Saudi/Pinochet relationships, Riggs was quickly and quietly sold, to the Pittsburgh banking institution known as PNC bank.
STUNG BY EXPOSURE, BAE OFFERS TO REDUCE ARMS SALES AGENTS
June 20, 2007 (LPAC)--Stung by the exposure of its $80-billion slush fund for promoting war, revolution, and regime change, the British defense giant BAE has proposed a token gesture of reducing the number of independent advisers it uses for foreign arms sales.
The measure is intended, in large part, to try to reduce pressure from the United States, where a pending criminal investigation by the Justice Department, and scrutiny by other government agencies and Congress could foul up BAE attempts at takeover of a major U.S. arms contractor. The independent agents are the lower-level operatives in the bribery and kickback arrangements that form the heart of the company's operating practices, as in the 20-year running al Yamamah deal, arranged between the Margaret Thatcher government and Saudi Prince Bandar.
Mike Turner, BAE's chief executive, said the company would reduce the number of its independent advisers form 240 to "no more than 100 in the near term," according to a report in today's Financial Times of London. He made clear that the principal reason was to whitewash: "Now we have a huge market in the U.S. and we don't take any risks on our reputation," Turner is quoted as saying.
Reducing the number of agents is unlikely to stem the corrupt practices. In 1999, BAE reduced the number of its agents from 600 to 250 when it first entered the U.S. market, but the scandal only grew.
TODAY's BAE SCANDAL AND THE FORCE BEHIND 9/11
June 23, 2007 (LPAC)--Discussing the exploding British mega-scandal around the huge BAE Systems arms firm, at his June 21 Washington webcast, U.S. statesman and economist Lyndon LaRouche touched on the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.
Speaking of the current war and economic crisis, LaRouche said that BAE "is not the cause of the problem, it is a symptom of the problem: Is that more and more, under a system which was established, a change in the system established with the election of a non-person as a President, George W. Bush, Jr., under his chimpanzee keeper, the Vice President, that the world was being run, more and more, by what is behind the BAE. The BAE is actually better known as the British Empire. Some people call it the 'Brutish Empire.'
"Now, not all the people in England are guilty of this. Many of them, even who are Brits, or who believe in the imperial system, or the British Empire or whatever, think that what is being done now by BAE is insane. They think that other things are insane: They know that the idea of a global warming swindle is a hoax--they know that. They know it's totally unscientific, and could not be sold to a society in which science was still known as a subject for most people of that generation. And therefore, not because they are anti-British, but because they know that the system which is being run by the Blair government and its associates in the British system--being run by Blair's friend Cheney, and others--that this system is clinically insane. And therefore, they object to it. And they raised objections to it, which are registered in places like the London Guardian--called Guardian Unlimited these days--and the British BBC, and other locations.
"There was virtual silence on the subject of this, at least to its substance, inside the United States itself. It was only in the past three days, that there has been any appearance in the major English-speaking American press, of anything--even hinting at what has been the ongoing reality of this Bush Administration, since before the President was sworn in, in 2001. The world has been living under a system, which is the 9/11 system, which already existed, as I warned at the beginning of 2001, before President George W. Bush was inaugurated for the first time in January of 2001. Where I said: The world system has reached the point, that an onrushing collapse of the system is now in process. We can not determine exactly when or how this will occur, but we know the following two things:
Number 1, we know that this President and this Presidency can not deal with this crisis. Therefore, we must expect that the entire world will be subjected to the kind of thing we experienced in February of 1933, when Hermann Goering, the man behind the throne, the sort of Dick Cheney of the Hitler administration, orchestrated the burning of the Reichstag as a terrorist event. And this terrorist event was used on that night, or the following day, to install Hitler with dictatorial powers, which Hitler never lost, until the day he died!
"And I said then: The danger is that something like this will occur, under present trends in the United States, and it did occur: And it was called 9/11.
"Now, without going into the details of what we know and what we don't know about how 9/11 was orchestrated, we know that the only means by which this kind of thing is orchestrated, is found in one location: in a financial complex which is centered in the identity of the BAE.
Now, that's the mystery of 9/11. How it was done, the mechanics, that's irrelevant. We'll find out. And everybody in and around government who understands these matters, knows that!
And that's where the heat is, here."
Jeffrey Steinberg
http://larouchepac.com/pages/breaking_ne...entury.asp
On Wednesday, June 6, the British Broadcasting Corporation aired a sensational story, revealing that the British arms manufacturer BAE Systems, had paid more than $2 billion in bribes to Saudi Arabia's national security chief and longtime Ambassador in Washington, Prince Bandar bin-Sultan, over a 22 year period. The BBC revelations were further detailed on June 11, in a one-hour Panorama TV documentary, provocatively titled "Princes, Planes and Pay-offs," which detailed a more than decade-long probe by the Guardian, BBC, and the British Serious Fraud Office (SFO), into the Al-Yamamah arms contract, a nearly $80 billion, 22-year long deal between BAE Systems and the Saudi government, in which British-made fighter jets and support services were provided to the Saudi Kingdom, beginning in 1985.
Every British government, from Margaret Thatcher, through John Major, to Tony Blair, has been thoroughly implicated in the BAE-Saudi scandal. In December 2006, Britain's Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, ordered the SFO probe shut, declaring that any further investigation would gravely jeopardize British national security. Prime Minister Blair fully backed his Attorney General, and is now scrambling to complete the fourth phase of the Al-Yamamah deal before he leaves office next month.
The furor that followed the Goldsmith announcement triggered a number of international investigations into the BAE Systems scandal, including by the Swiss government and the OECD (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, the so-called "rich nations" club). More recently, the U.S. Department of Justice has reportedly opened a probe into money laundering and possible violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, on the part of the British and the Saudis. The estimated $2 billion in cumulative payoffs to Prince Bandar, for his role in brokering the Al-Yamamah deal, went through the Saudi government accounts at Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., thus opening the U.S. jurisdiction.
While the various British investigations into the Al-Yamamah (Arabic for "the dove") arms deal did unearth a vast network of front companies, offshore shells, and corrupt politicians, who benefited richly from the deal, EIR's own preliminary investigation into the scandal has uncovered a far more significant story, one that will send shock waves through the City of London financial circles, as well as top figures within the British monarchy, who are all implicated in a far bigger scheme that goes to the very heart of the Venetian-modeled Anglo-Dutch Liberal system of global finance, which is now on its last legs.
Al-Yamamah
In 1985, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, in part frightened by the ongoing war between its neighbors Iran and Iraq, which had reached a highly destructive phase known as the "war of the cities," sought to purchase large numbers of advanced fighter jets to build up their Royal Air Force. Initially, the Saudis sought approval from the Reagan Administration to purchase American-made F-15 fighters. The Saudi F-15 deal required Congressional approval, and the America Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) waged a massive effort to kill the sale. According to several well-informed Washington sources, Howard Teicher, a senior official on the Reagan National Security Council (director of Near East and South Asia, 1982-1985; senior director, Politico-Military Affairs, 1986-1987), also played a pivotal role in the AIPAC effort, which ultimately succeeded in killing the deal. Teicher, according to the sources, withheld information from Reagan, stalling a Congressional vote until AIPAC had fully mobilized, and then convinced the President to withdraw the request, rather than face an embarrassing defeat in the Congress.
Other sources have offered a slightly different version of the failure of the F-15 deal, claiming that intelligence community estimates, since the mid-1970s, had warned of instability in the Persian Gulf, and that there were, therefore, other reasons to question the advisability of the sales of advanced U.S. military technology to Saudi Arabia, particularly after the Khomeini Revolution in Iran.
Whatever the reason, the F-15 deal failed. The very next day, after the Reagan Administration threw in the towel, Prince Bandar, the Kingdom's de facto chief diplomat to Britain, the Soviet Union, and China, as well as the U.S.A., flew to London to meet with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. British arms sales did not require parliamentary approval, and the British government, in 1966, had created an agency, the Defence Export Services Organization (DESO), to hawk British arms around the globe. BAE Systems had been created in 1981, when Thatcher privatized the British arms manufacturing industry, which had, only four years earlier, been nationalized under the Labour government. And BAE Systems, the largest arms manufacturer in Europe, dominates the British defense sector.
The Bandar trip to London to confer with Thatcher had been in the works for months. A Ministry of Defence briefing paper, prepared for the Thatcher-Bandar sessions, stated, "Since early 1984, intensive efforts have been made to sell Tornado and Hawk to the Saudis. When, in the Autumn of 1984, they seemed to be leaning towards French Mirage fighters, Mr Heseltine paid an urgent visit to Saudi Arabia, carrying a letter from the Prime Minister to King Fahd. In December 1984, the Prime Minister started a series of important negotiations by meeting Prince Bandar, the son of Prince Sultan.... The Prime Minister met the King in Riyahd in April this year and in August the King wrote to her stating his decision to buy 48 Tornado IDS and 30 Hawk."
Thatcher also had every reason to feel confident that Bandar would be the perfect interlocutor between Saudi Arabia and Great Britain in the deal of the century. At age 16, several years after his father, Prince Sultan, had been named Minister of Defense of the Kingdom, the Prince was sent to England to study at the Royal Air Force College Cranwell, the elite officer's training school for future RAF pilots. At least one senior American intelligence official has reported widespread rumors that Bandar was recruited by MI6, the British Secret Intelligence Service, before he finished his RAF training. Other sources, intimately familiar with the goings-on at BAE Systems, report that the "private" aerospace giant has a sales force made up almost exclusively of "lads" recruited to MI6 before their hires.
Whether or not these reports are accurate, Bandar certainly is a serious Anglophile. The best accounts of his adventures in England appear in the 2006 book, The Prince—The Secret Story of the World's Most Intriguing Royal (HarperCollins, New York), by William Simpson, a Cranwell classmate, and still-intimate pal of the Prince. Simpson, who wrote the book with the full cooperation of Bandar, recounted his friend's intimate ties with every occupant of 10 Downing Street.
"In London," Simpson reported, "Bandar would breeze into Number Ten with unhibited panache. From Margaret Thatcher to John Major to Tony Blair, Bandar's access was extraordinary." By Prince Bandar's own account to Simpson about Al-Yamamah, "When we first made the agreement, we had no contract. It was a handshake between me and Mrs. Thatcher in Ten Downing Street." It was months before the final details of the Al-Yamamah deal were finalized, and the contracts signed. But even before the ink had dried, Britain had provided the initial delivery of Tornado jets—from the inventory of the RAF.
By the time the formal Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the British and Saudi defense ministers on Sept. 25, 1985, the original order had been expanded to 72 Tornado fighter jets and 30 Hawk training aircraft, along with other equipment and services. There have been two subsequent deals, Al-Yamamah II and III, and Al-Yamamah IV, worth as much as $40 billion in additional arms deliveries, is in the final stages.
Oil-For-Aircraft
The Al-Yamamah deal was structured as a barter arrangement. While the Saudis did agree to pay cash for certain services and infrastructure construction under separate sub-contracts—and those cash payments went, in part, to "consulting fees" or bribes, including the $2 billion to Prince Bandar's accounts at Riggs Bank, and similar reported payments to the Chilean dictator Gen. Augusto Pinochet and the Dutch Royal Consort, Prince Bernhard—the essential contract involved the Saudi delivery of oil to Britain, in return for the fighter jets.
And here is where the story gets really interesting.
Saudi Arabia agreed to provide Britain with one tanker of oil per day, for the entire life of the Al-Yamanah contracts. An oil tanker holds approximately 600,000 barrels of oil. BAE Systems began "official" delivery of the Toronado and Hawk planes to Saudi Arabia in 1989. BAE Systems now has approximately 5,000 employees inside Saudi Arabia, servicing the contract.
Is it possible to place a cash value on the oil deliveries to BAE Systems? According to sources familiar with the inner workings of Al-Yamamah, much of the Saudi oil was sold on the international spot market at market value, through British Petroleum and Royal Dutch Shell.
EIR economist John Hoefle has done an in-depth charting of the financial features of the oil transactions, based on BP's own daily tracking of world oil prices on the open market. Using BP's average annual cost of a barrel of Saudi crude oil, Hoefle concluded that the total value of the oil sales, based on the value of the dollar at the time of delivery, was $125 billion. In current U.S. dollar terms, that total soars to $160 billion.
Based on the best available public records, the total sticker price on the military equipment and services provided by BAE Systems to Saudi Arabia, over the 22-year period to date, was approximately $80 billion. And those figures are inflated by billions of dollars in slush fund payouts. Indeed, the latest limited-damage scandal around Al-Yamamah erupted in November 2006, when a Ministry of Defence document leaked out, providing the actual sticker price on the fighter jets. The figure confirmed the long-held suspicion that the prices of the jets had been jacked up by at least 40%.
BAE Systems, a crown jewel in the City of London financial/industrial structure, secured somewhere in the range of $80 billion in net profit from the arrangement—in league with BP and Royal Dutch Shell! Where did that money go, and what kinds of activities were financed with it? The answer to those questions, sources emphasize, holds the key to the power of Anglo-Dutch finance in the world today.
Prince Bandar's biographer and friend William Simpson certainly provided an insight into the inner workings of the Al-Yamamah project: "Although Al-Yamamah constitutes a highly unconventional way of doing business, its lucrative spin-offs are the by-product of a wholly political objective: a Saudi political objective and a British political objective. Al-Yamamah is, first and foremost, a political contract. Negotiated at the height of the Cold War, its unique structure has enabled the Saudis to purchase weapons from around the globe to fund the fight against Communism. Al-Yamamah money can be found in the clandestine purchase of Russian ordnance used in the expulsion of Qaddafi's troops from Chad. It can also be traced to arms bought from Egypt and other countries, and sent to the Mujahideen in Afghanistan fighting the Soviet occupying forces."
In effect, Prince Bandar's biographer confirms that Al-Yamamah is the biggest pool of clandestine cash in history—protected by Her Majesty's Official Secrets Act and the even more impenetrable finances of the City of London and the offshore, unregulated financial havens under British dominion.
The Saudi Side of the Street
For its part, the Saudi Royal Family did not exactly get ripped off in the Al-Yamamah deal. When the contract was signed in 1985, according to sources familiar with the arrangement, Saudi Arabia got an exemption from the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The barter deal with BAE Systems did not come under their OPEC production quota. In other words, Saudi Arabia got OPEC approval to produce 600,000 barrels a day, above the OPEC ceiling, to make the arms purchases.
According to the Energy Information Administration, a branch of the U.S. Department of Energy, over the life of the Al-Yamamah program, the average cost of a Saudi barrel of crude oil, delivered to tankers, was under $5 a barrel. At that price, the annual cost to the Saudis for the 600,000 barrels per day was $1.1 billion. Over the duration of the contract to date, the cost to the Saudis of the daily oil shipments was approximately $24.6 billion. The commercial value, in current dollars, as noted above, was $160 billion.
The Saudis have forged a crucial partnership with the Anglo-Dutch financial oligarchy, headquartered in the City of London, and protected by the British Crown. They have, in league with BAE Systems, Royal Dutch Shell, British Petroleum, and other City giants, established a private, offshore, hidden financial concentration that would have made the British East India Company managers of an earlier heyday of the British Empire, drool with envy.
At this moment, there is no way of calculating how much of that slush fund has been devoted to the clandestine wars and Anglo-American covert operations of the past two decades. Nor is it possible to estimate the multiplier effect of portions of those undisclosed, and unregulated funds having passed through the hedge funds of the Cayman Island, the Isle of Man, Gibraltar, Panama, and Switzerland.
What is clear, is that the BAE Systems scandal goes far beyond the $2 billion that allegedly found its way into the pockets of Prince Bandar. It is a scandal that goes to the heart of the power of Anglo-Dutch finance.
There is much, much more to unearth, now that the door has been slightly opened into what already appears to be the swindle of the century.
JUSTICE DEPARTMENT OPENS BAE PROBE
Lord Goldsmith Admits Withholding Facts from OECD
June 15, 2007 (LPAC)--The U.S. Justice Department has opened a preliminary investigation of whether the British aerospace company BAE paid bribes to win contracts in Saudi Arabia, Chile, and elsewhere, the Los Angeles Times reports today. Citing several unnamed U.S. law enforcement officials, the Times says that the investigation is focused on whether BAE violated the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and U.S. money-laundering laws.
The Times's sources emphasized that the DOJ investigation is more extensive than previously reported. "It's not just the Saudi payments that are an issue here," said one official, adding that BAE deals with many other countries are also being scrutinized, and calling it "a company-wide thing."
The Saudi side of the probe, according to U.S. law enforcement officials, centers on Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the former Saudi Ambassador to the U.S., who is otherwise known to be a close ally of Vice President Dick Cheney.
Meanwhile, in a letter to Sir Menzies Campbell, leader of the Liberal Democrats, Britain's attorney general, Lord Goldsmith admitted to the fact that information was withheld from the anti-corruption probe by the OECD of the BAE-Saudi Arabia deal.
Lord Goldsmith wrote that he himself was not involved in any decision to withhold information, that was made by the Serious Fraud Office based on "national security" interests. "I did not know the judgment the SFO had reached about this issue until it arose in the media last week.... I gave no orders, instruction or advice to the SFO about that." He did admit that his director general, Jonathan Jones was at the Paris meeting with the OECD to "deal with the national security aspects" and that Jones "was aware in general of what the SFO proposed to say and participated in the discussions in preparation for the working group meeting." He then claimed that "what level of detail to give about particular payments" never arose in those discussions."
In response Sir Menzies said, "These events get curiouser and curiouser. Major decisions...were taken by officials and not by those with direct ministerial responsibility. The plain unvarnished truth is that Britain did not reveal significant information to the OECD."
TWO "ETHICS" PIG PENS APPOINTED IN LONDON-A COMMON TROUGH
June 15, 2007 (LPAC)--BAE Systems, the worlds largest arms company, accused of covert-payments crimes which threaten to blow up the Anglo-Dutch imperial system, has hired a committee of experts to inquire whether the company is ethical.
Another, similar, panel of experts has been hired by private equity companies -- under increasing public attack for piratical corporate takeovers and asset-stripping that is erasing jobs everywhere -- to work out ethics rules that will block governments from regulating or interfering with this financial warfare.
The two panels are interlocked.
Last March, facing fire from trade unions and foreign governments, Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown and the pirate firms' own trade association together appointed Sir David Walker, a former City of London investment banker and Bank of England executive, to chair the private equity working group.
Sir David Walker immediately appointed to his panel Lady Sarah Hogg, chairman of the giant "3i" private equity firm. EIR readers will recall Lady Hogg as the ringleader of the group that sacked BBC Director General Greg Dyke for standing up to the Blair-Cheney war lies; and recall that her "3i" firm is used to financially sponsor the Blair-Cheney slander campaign against Lyndon LaRouche.
On June 15, BAE Systems named former English Chief Justice Lord Harry Woolf to chair its experts panel. One focal point for the U.S. Justice Department interest in the BAE covert-payments scandal is the Persian Gulf Kingdom of Qatar, the alleged scene of huge BAE bribes which were reportedly laundered through the island of Jersey. Lord Woolf is himself currently in Qatar, where he has been hired by the new Qatar Financial Centre to run the "legal system" for an unregulated speculators' paradise that is explicitly modeled on the City of London.
Lord Woolf immediately appointed Sir David Walker -- who is of course busy running the other (private equity) panel -- to be on the BAE Systems' self-checking panel.
On being named to his lucrative post, Lord Woolf said "It is of importance to BAE Systems and this country that BAE Systems' ethical standards are irreproachable. BAE Systems believes this is the case. I am, however, agreeable at BAE Systems request to be Chairman of a wholly independent committee of unquestionable integrity to ascertain whether this is the case and, if in the committee's view this is not the situation, to identify the improvements BAE Systems needs to make so that BAE Systems can make the necessary changes."
BAE: KEY TO UNDERSTANDING BRITAIN'S ROLE IN ORCHESTRATING THREE GULF WARS
June 19, 2007 (LPAC)--As one of the largest arms sales in history to the Middle East, the BAE deal is key to understanding Her Majesty the Queen's direct role in orchestrating the three Gulf wars of the last three decades, including the 1980-89 Iraq-Iran war, the 1991 Gulf War and the current Iraq war. It is also key to understanding the British role in the proposed war against Iran.
The object of these wars has been to destroy the two most important countries in the region, Iran and Iraq, as a key to resurrecting the global British Empire. This was best expressed by a retired British Military officer, who served as Her Majesty's military attache in Iraq in the 1980s. When the Gulf War began in 1991, he told this news service: "My dear sir, you have to understand this is how we built the British `Empah'. We had two powerful countries we wanted to destroy, in this case Iran and Iraq. We got them into a war and sold weapons to both sides. Just at the appropriate point we dried up on one and let the other beat him. Then we only had one country to destroy." This referred to the tilt towards Iraq in 1988, which led to the defeat of Iran. Three years later Iraq was manipulated into the war against Kuwait, only to be destroyed in the Gulf War.
The LPAC story, "The Queen's Connections to the BAE Scandal" touched on the direct role of Her Majesty's Crown Agents in the original BAE deal. The groundwork for this was laid by Sir John Cuckney, now Lord Cuckney of Millbank, who in the 1970s was Chairman of Crown Agents and Director of Millbank Technical Services, which, in 1978 was transferred to the Defense Ministry and renamed International Military Systems Ltd (IMS). Cuckney served as chairman of IMS until 1985. It was his replacement, Sir Colin Chandler, a BAE executive seconded to the Defense Ministry, who in 1985 negotiated the BAE deal.
In organizing IMS, Cuckney laid the basis for the massive arms and munitions sales to both Iran and Iraq during the first gulf war, the Iran-Iraq war. At the same time, Cuckney served as Director of the British Midland Bank between 1978 and 1988, where he founded and headed its Midland International Trade Services, the bank division expressly organized to sell the tools of war to both Iran and Iraq. Through these institutions Britain organized a European-wide network to sell arms and munitions to both Iran and Iraq in violation of the United Nations' sanctions against arms sales to both countries.
IMS, which was headed by Sir Colin Chandler between 1985 and 1989, was the key facilitator in this trade in weapons to Iran and Iraq. IMS had offices in both Iran and Iraq as well as in Saudi Arabia throughout the duration of the war. At stated above, Chandler was simultaneously a BAE executive and organizer of the BAE-Saudi deal.
The second Gulf War was initiated only after British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher convinced President George Bush Sr. to "liberate" the Kingdom of Kuwait, which was considered nothing more then a British satrapy. It was Thatcher's advisors, such as Lord Cuckney, who organized the BAE deal only a few years before. It was then her successor Tony Blair, the Labor Party "Thatcherite," who marched into Iraq with the British stooge Vice President Dick Cheney.
BAE-CONNECTED RIGGS BANK HAS LONG HISTORY AS BRITISH ASSET
June 19, 2007 (LPAC)--The Riggs Bank, the Washington-based institution at the center of the BAE Saudi scandal, has a long history as an asset of the British Crown. Riggs, while never in the league of the huge New York banks such as JP Morgan, was a strategically placed institution in the Washington area, often doing the finances for Presidents and legislators. Central to the financial operations of government institutions, it was once referred to as "just about the closest thing we'll ever have to a Bank of the United States." Indeed, other reports indicate that, during the first decades of its existence, Riggs was the "best known American banking institution" throughout the Far East.
Riggs bank grew out of a dry-goods firm started by a Baltimore financier George Peabody, who got his original financing from Elisha Riggs. Peabody partnered with Riggs to form Peabody Riggs in 1836, officially becoming a bank in 1852. During that time period, Peabody relocated to London, where he lived out the remainder of his life. While in London, Peabody developed close ties to the monarchy, including Queen Victoria herself. He also established relationships with both Junius Morgan and Nathaniel Rothschild, and was a central figure in the establishment the JS Morgan Bank, which was later transplanted to the US as JP Morgan Bank.
Peabody also had excellent relationships with another anglophile Baltimore firm (established in Liverpool), the Brown Brothers. Alexander Brown came to Baltimore in 1801, and established what is now known as the oldest banking house in the United States, still operating as Brown Brothers Harriman of New York; Brown, Shipley and Company of England; and Alex Brown and Son of Baltimore. Those relations may have been maintained through the years, for in 1998, J Carter Beese, a man who had spent the majority of his career at Alex. Brown, joined the board of Riggs.
In 1973, Riggs would become the first bank to open a facility with a foreign embassy, at the request of the British embassy itself. By 1980, Riggs will have established its first branch in a foreign country, at the US Embassy in London, supposedly at the request of the US State Department. In 1994, Riggs reportedly established the Riggs Bank Europe, through purchase of the Anglo-Portuguese Bank. In 2003, Christopher Meyer, the former British ambassador to the US, will directly join the board of the bank, just as the scandal involving the bank's connections to the Saudis and Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet are beginning to surface.
In the immediate aftermath of the Bank's Saudi/Pinochet relationships, Riggs was quickly and quietly sold, to the Pittsburgh banking institution known as PNC bank.
STUNG BY EXPOSURE, BAE OFFERS TO REDUCE ARMS SALES AGENTS
June 20, 2007 (LPAC)--Stung by the exposure of its $80-billion slush fund for promoting war, revolution, and regime change, the British defense giant BAE has proposed a token gesture of reducing the number of independent advisers it uses for foreign arms sales.
The measure is intended, in large part, to try to reduce pressure from the United States, where a pending criminal investigation by the Justice Department, and scrutiny by other government agencies and Congress could foul up BAE attempts at takeover of a major U.S. arms contractor. The independent agents are the lower-level operatives in the bribery and kickback arrangements that form the heart of the company's operating practices, as in the 20-year running al Yamamah deal, arranged between the Margaret Thatcher government and Saudi Prince Bandar.
Mike Turner, BAE's chief executive, said the company would reduce the number of its independent advisers form 240 to "no more than 100 in the near term," according to a report in today's Financial Times of London. He made clear that the principal reason was to whitewash: "Now we have a huge market in the U.S. and we don't take any risks on our reputation," Turner is quoted as saying.
Reducing the number of agents is unlikely to stem the corrupt practices. In 1999, BAE reduced the number of its agents from 600 to 250 when it first entered the U.S. market, but the scandal only grew.
TODAY's BAE SCANDAL AND THE FORCE BEHIND 9/11
June 23, 2007 (LPAC)--Discussing the exploding British mega-scandal around the huge BAE Systems arms firm, at his June 21 Washington webcast, U.S. statesman and economist Lyndon LaRouche touched on the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks.
Speaking of the current war and economic crisis, LaRouche said that BAE "is not the cause of the problem, it is a symptom of the problem: Is that more and more, under a system which was established, a change in the system established with the election of a non-person as a President, George W. Bush, Jr., under his chimpanzee keeper, the Vice President, that the world was being run, more and more, by what is behind the BAE. The BAE is actually better known as the British Empire. Some people call it the 'Brutish Empire.'
"Now, not all the people in England are guilty of this. Many of them, even who are Brits, or who believe in the imperial system, or the British Empire or whatever, think that what is being done now by BAE is insane. They think that other things are insane: They know that the idea of a global warming swindle is a hoax--they know that. They know it's totally unscientific, and could not be sold to a society in which science was still known as a subject for most people of that generation. And therefore, not because they are anti-British, but because they know that the system which is being run by the Blair government and its associates in the British system--being run by Blair's friend Cheney, and others--that this system is clinically insane. And therefore, they object to it. And they raised objections to it, which are registered in places like the London Guardian--called Guardian Unlimited these days--and the British BBC, and other locations.
"There was virtual silence on the subject of this, at least to its substance, inside the United States itself. It was only in the past three days, that there has been any appearance in the major English-speaking American press, of anything--even hinting at what has been the ongoing reality of this Bush Administration, since before the President was sworn in, in 2001. The world has been living under a system, which is the 9/11 system, which already existed, as I warned at the beginning of 2001, before President George W. Bush was inaugurated for the first time in January of 2001. Where I said: The world system has reached the point, that an onrushing collapse of the system is now in process. We can not determine exactly when or how this will occur, but we know the following two things:
Number 1, we know that this President and this Presidency can not deal with this crisis. Therefore, we must expect that the entire world will be subjected to the kind of thing we experienced in February of 1933, when Hermann Goering, the man behind the throne, the sort of Dick Cheney of the Hitler administration, orchestrated the burning of the Reichstag as a terrorist event. And this terrorist event was used on that night, or the following day, to install Hitler with dictatorial powers, which Hitler never lost, until the day he died!
"And I said then: The danger is that something like this will occur, under present trends in the United States, and it did occur: And it was called 9/11.
"Now, without going into the details of what we know and what we don't know about how 9/11 was orchestrated, we know that the only means by which this kind of thing is orchestrated, is found in one location: in a financial complex which is centered in the identity of the BAE.
Now, that's the mystery of 9/11. How it was done, the mechanics, that's irrelevant. We'll find out. And everybody in and around government who understands these matters, knows that!
And that's where the heat is, here."