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PAKISTAN'S VISION 2025
RETURN OUR KOHINOOR DIAMOND BEFORE GIVING TO NEW QUEEN -
INDIA DEMANDS
Reply
THIS ARREST WARRANT FOR IMRAN KHAN IF IMPLEMENTED WILL IGNITE THE POLITICAL TENSIONS BETWEEN THE PTI AND PML(N) INTO CIVIL STRIFE IF NOT MORE. THIS WILL BE COUNTERPRODUCTIVE AS A POPULAR AND POPULIST POLITICAL LEADER WILL AUTOMATICALLY RALLY THE NATION ONTO THE STREETS.  THOSE IN POWER TPTB NEED TO REALISE THAT IMRAN KHAN IS THE MOST POPULAR LEADER PAKISTAN HAS HAD EVER SINCE THE CREATION OF PAKISTAN UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF JINNAH. THEY RISK BEING BLOWN AWAY WITH THE COMING STORM.   

IS PAKISTAN POLITICS AND PAKISTAN'S FUTURE GOING TO BE DECIDED BY THE POLITICS OF THE STREET AND STREET POWER? THE SOLUTION IS SIMPLE WHICH IS TO HOLD NEW NATIONAL ELECTIONS WHICH IS THE REAL ISSUE.

ALSO THE ZIONIST AGENDA OF GETTING PAKISTAN AND IMRAN KHAN TO RECOGNISE IT'S LEGITIMACY CAN NOT BE RULED OUT AS BEING BEHIND THIS TURMOIL. THE ONLY WAY PAKISTANI PEOPLE AND THE WORLD'S MUSLIMS CAN REGAIN THEIR SOVEREIGNTY IS TO FIGHT AND STRUGGLE FOR THEIR REAL FREEDOM AGAINST GLOBAL KUFR AND TAWAKULLAH.



IMRAN KHAN WILL ANNOUNCE FINAL CALL AFTER 12th RABIUL AWAL IN OCTOBER



ISLAMABAD POLICE ISSUED THE ARREST WARRANT OF IMRAN KHAN IN ISLAMABAD




SUPPORTERS OF IMRAN KHAN ARE REACHING TOWARDS BANI GALA OVER ARREST




IMRAN KHAN IS GOING TO MAKE FINAL CALL AS PERVAIZ ELAHI SUPPORTS HIM





THE US CIPHER ( Letter ) WAS STOLEN FROM THE PM HOUSE IN ISLAMABAD



REGIME CHANGE IN PAKISTAN  MEANT TO NORMALIZE RELATIONS WITH ISRAEL


Tahir Mahmoud
https://crescent.icit-digital.org/articl...ith-israel


Last month several media outlets reported that a delegation comprising mainly overseas Pakistanis visited Israel (see here and The delegation led by a US-based physician, Dr Nasim Ashraf, met the Israeli President Isaac Herzog as well as officials from the foreign ministry. Another person in the delegation was the self-appointed crusader for empowering Muslim women, Anila Ali, also US-based. She is also a member of Sharaka, a group that emerged after the normalization of relations between several Arabian regimes and the zionist entity in September 2020.


This was the second time in less than four months that a Pakistani delegation visited Israel leaving little doubt that the intention is to pave the way for normalization of relations between the two countries. The earlier delegation in late May included Ahmed Qureshi from Pakistan State Television, PTV. When there was hue and cry in Pakistan about the visit, Qureshi was relieved of his duties.[/b]

Pakistan has no diplomatic ties with the zionist entity. The official Pakistani position is that unless the outstanding issue of Palestine is resolved, it cannot establish diplomatic relations with Israel.

So, what is motivating these individuals to make the pilgrimage to the zionist entity that continues to kill innocent Palestinians as well as incarcerates thousands of others? And what is the official position of the imported regime backed by the military on this issue?

Shehbaz Sharif, the army-installed prime minister, reportedly met an Israeli delegation in Qatar in August. There was much buzz in the social media about the secretive meeting in Doha although the Pakistan Foreign Office denied any such meeting.

There is much more to these visits than meets the eye. The trip organizer, Dr Nasim Ashraf, had served as minister of state in General Pervez Musharraf’s regime. In September 2005, General Musharraf had had a well-publicized handshake with Arial Sharon, the Butcher of Beirut, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting in New York.

Dr Nasim Ashraf boasted that he was behind the Musharraf-Sharon handshake although official Pakistani sources say that Islamabad had requested Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan to arrange a meeting with the Israelis. Then Pakistani Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri had met his Israeli counterpart Silvan Shalom in Istanbul on September 1, 2005 paving way for the Musharraf-Sharon handshake in New York two weeks later.

What has this got to do with the regime change operation in Pakistan? To answer this question, we need to keep in mind that the army in Pakistan controls all decision-making processes. Recognition of Israel has been its long-cherished desire, held in check only because the masses would not accept it.

Soon after Imran Khan became prime minister in August 2018, Pakistani officials and their paid agents in the media started to sound influential Pakistanis inside and outside the country about recognizing Israel. They argued that India’s diplomatic relations with Israel put Pakistan at a disadvantage. If Pakistan also had diplomatic relations, it would be able to present its point of view in Tel Aviv and neutralize some of India’s advantage.

When it was pointed out to these officials that if Pakistan were to recognize Israel—essentially recognizing Israel’s occupation of Palestine—it would not be able argue about India’s occupation of Kashmir. This was also explained in detail in Crescent International in 2019 together with debunking other, equally flawed arguments.

The timing of this campaign is important. The army wanted Imran Khan to take this unpopular decision and face the fallout. To his credit, Imran Khan refused, hence the plot to remove him. Of course, it was not achieved overnight; the army top brass felt that they could undermine Imran by allowing him enough rope with which he would hang himself. This did not happen.

Much to the annoyance of the army, Imran Khan and his team managed to stabilize the economy within two years and in the third year, it really took off. He was now seen as a threat to army’s total control of the country and had to be removed. It was achieved through what is referred to as the “no-confidence vote” in parliament but essentially dictated by the Americans.

Within weeks of Imran Khan’s removal, a Pakistani delegation landed in Israel. It could not have travelled without the army’s blessings despite its spokesperson denying having anything to do with it.

What is truly shocking is that the military in Pakistan has total contempt for the people. It considers them ignorant who do not know what is good for them. This is the job of the military, or more accurately the army top brass who consider themselves truly enlightened. This also explains the imposition of a bunch of criminals, murderers and rapists as rulers on the country.

The army likes politicians who are crooks with well-established criminal records. It is easy to blackmail such people and get them to do things that an honest person like Imran Khan would not do.

Why is the army anxious to recognize Israel? The men in khaki believe that it would open the floodgates of American dollars pouring into Pakistan. The army top brass is in the business of making money for which it is willing to sell the country.


The repeated visits by Pakistani delegations to the illegitimate zionist entity and open discussion in the media about the question of Israel’s recognition are all meant to pave the way for this eventuality. Should such a step be taken, it would lead to even more turmoil in Pakistan. Already reeling from an economic downturn exacerbated by massive floods, Pakistan may not recover at all.
Reply
PAKISTAN FACES ITS WORST FLOODS IN HISTORY




ECONOMIC HISTORY OF PAKISTAN - 1947-1987
Khurram Hussain


Reply
PAKISTAN COUP REGIME BANS IMRAN KHAN, DISSIDENTS KILLED AS US EYES CHINA TIES, ISRAEL NORMALIZATION


Reply
WHAT WILL HAPPEN WITH PAKISTAN'S FREEDOM MARCH FOR EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS. IS A CLASH OR COMPROMISE GOING TO MATERIALISE? 


IMRAN KHAN EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW 



IF YOU WANT TO IMPOSE MARTIAL LAW, THEN IMPOSE IT. WHY ARE YOU TELLING ME ?





IMRAN KHAN IS DEMANDING GENERAL BAJWA TO TRANSFER TWO OFFICERS 













IMRAN KHAN's LONG PENDING 'AZADI MARCH' TO ISLAMABAD 













PTI HISTORICAL LONG MARCH CREATES HISTORY
GOVERNMENT IN TROUBLE 
Imran Riaz Khan Exclusive Analysis
Reply
THE FAILED ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT OF IMRAN KHAN WILL BE REVEALED AND IT'S IMPACT IN PAKISTAN. EYE WITNESS CLAIMS DEADLY FIRE CAME FROM 2 OR 3 DIRECTIONS NOT THE FALL GUY IN THE CROWD. AT THIS STAGE ONE CAN CATEGORICALLY STATE THAT THE HISTORY OF ASSASSINATIONS OF POPULAR PAKISTANI PMS AND OTHER MILITARY LEADERS IS ALWAYS A COMBINATION OF OUTSIDE FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AGENCIES. 

THE MASTERMINDS OF INSTABILITY NEED TO BE WARNED THAT THE CLOCK IS TICKING THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN MAY PLOT ALL THEY WANT BUT THEY FAIL TO REALISE THAT ALLAH SWT IS THE GREATEST PLOTTER. THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN AND ISLAM ARE TRAPPED IN THEIR HUBRIS AND FAIL TO SEE THEIR COMING DEFEAT AND FALL.   


SERIOUS ACCUSATIONS

https://www.dawn.com/news/1718962

The attempt on former prime minister Imran Khan’s life has lit a fuse that must be put out post-haste. In his first public statement after surviving a deadly gun attack, the PTI chairman has named the prime minister, interior minister and a senior intelligence official as being responsible for the bid to assassinate him.


Claiming that he had been aware of the conspiracy for a while, Mr Khan referred to a statement he had made during a September jalsa, where he had spoken about an alleged plot to assassinate him and frame it as a religiously motivated attack.

The stakes could not be higher for Imran Khan, the establishment and Pakistan He said he had also been warned ahead of Thursday that the attack could materialise soon, but had found it difficult to believe it, thinking that the plotters would not actually go through with their plan.

Mr Khan has now demanded the resignation or removal of all three officials from their positions, saying he does not believe any investigation can be conducted independently while they remain in office. These are very serious accusations. By going public with them, Mr Khan has taken a step that he may find impossible to reverse. It seems highly unlikely that Shehbaz Sharif or Rana Sanaullah will step down on Mr Khan’s demands, and it is improbable that the military will be interested at this time in removing a top official merely on his complaint.

What international analysts are writing about the attempt on Imran Khan’s life This means that whatever investigation is done will be hamstrung from the start by accusations of interference and partiality, and the acrimony between the state and the PTI will continue to grow.It is hoped that matters do not turn any uglier than they already have. A precursor to what may happen could be seen on TV screens all Friday afternoon as Mr Khan’s supporters and sympathisers clashed with police after a call for protests all over the country.

The PTI chief has told his supporters to keep protesting till the resignations are effected. Sustained chaos might tempt certain quarters to seize control on the pretext of controlling the ‘domestic instability’ they have been repeatedly warning about.  It ought to be said here that the Punjab police has thus far thoroughly bungled its handling of the attack investigation. The leaked ‘confession’ videos of the prime suspect, the delayed registration of the FIR and conflicting statements from the centre and Punjab have all added to the confusion and fuelled conspiracy theories.

Will Pakistani politics survive Wazirabad? This is a dangerous situation. The nation awaits answers. We must know who pulled the trigger, what their motivations were, if there is anything that points to a larger conspiracy or if this was the work of a lone wolf. The chasm of distrust between one side of the political divide and the other will only widen unless those questions are answered. Any attempt to derail the investigation could cost the nation dearly.





IMRAN KHAN's LONG MARCH & ISLAMABAD RALLY COULD LEAD TO AN “ARMY INTERVENTION" IN PAK
Najam Sethi




STRONG REACTION OF ISPR ON THE STATEMENT OF IMRAN KHAN OVER GENERAL FAISAL 







IMRAN KHAN SAYS GENERAL FAISAL , RANA SANAULLAH AND SHAHBAZ SHARIF ARE BEHIND THIS INCIDENT 




WHO IS BEHIND ON IMRAN KHAN ATTACK?  PTI LONG MARCH

Sheikh Rasheed




DJ OF IMRAN KHAN's CONTAINER SAW A DIFFERENT DIRECTION THAN OTHERS




HOW SNIPER TRACED IMRAN KHAN FROM THE CONTAINER DURING HIS RALLY 
Reply
THE FAILED ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT OF IMRAN KHAN WILL BE REVEALED AND IT'S IMPACT IN PAKISTAN. EYE WITNESS CLAIMS DEADLY FIRE CAME FROM 2 OR 3 DIRECTIONS NOT THE FALL GUY IN THE CROWD. AT THIS STAGE ONE CAN CATEGORICALLY STATE THAT THE HISTORY OF ASSASSINATIONS OF POPULAR PAKISTANI PMS AND OTHER MILITARY LEADERS IS ALWAYS A COMBINATION OF OUTSIDE FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AGENCIES. 

THE MASTERMINDS OF INSTABILITY NEED TO BE WARNED THAT THE CLOCK IS TICKING THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN MAY PLOT ALL THEY WANT BUT THEY FAIL TO REALISE THAT ALLAH SWT IS THE GREATEST PLOTTER. THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN AND ISLAM ARE TRAPPED IN THEIR HUBRIS AND FAIL TO SEE THEIR COMING DEFEAT AND FALL.   


SERIOUS ACCUSATIONS

https://www.dawn.com/news/1718962

The attempt on former prime minister Imran Khan’s life has lit a fuse that must be put out post-haste. In his first public statement after surviving a deadly gun attack, the PTI chairman has named the prime minister, interior minister and a senior intelligence official as being responsible for the bid to assassinate him.


Claiming that he had been aware of the conspiracy for a while, Mr Khan referred to a statement he had made during a September jalsa, where he had spoken about an alleged plot to assassinate him and frame it as a religiously motivated attack.

The stakes could not be higher for Imran Khan, the establishment and Pakistan He said he had also been warned ahead of Thursday that the attack could materialise soon, but had found it difficult to believe it, thinking that the plotters would not actually go through with their plan.

Mr Khan has now demanded the resignation or removal of all three officials from their positions, saying he does not believe any investigation can be conducted independently while they remain in office. These are very serious accusations. By going public with them, Mr Khan has taken a step that he may find impossible to reverse. It seems highly unlikely that Shehbaz Sharif or Rana Sanaullah will step down on Mr Khan’s demands, and it is improbable that the military will be interested at this time in removing a top official merely on his complaint.

What international analysts are writing about the attempt on Imran Khan’s life This means that whatever investigation is done will be hamstrung from the start by accusations of interference and partiality, and the acrimony between the state and the PTI will continue to grow.It is hoped that matters do not turn any uglier than they already have. A precursor to what may happen could be seen on TV screens all Friday afternoon as Mr Khan’s supporters and sympathisers clashed with police after a call for protests all over the country.

The PTI chief has told his supporters to keep protesting till the resignations are effected. Sustained chaos might tempt certain quarters to seize control on the pretext of controlling the ‘domestic instability’ they have been repeatedly warning about.  It ought to be said here that the Punjab police has thus far thoroughly bungled its handling of the attack investigation. The leaked ‘confession’ videos of the prime suspect, the delayed registration of the FIR and conflicting statements from the centre and Punjab have all added to the confusion and fuelled conspiracy theories.

Will Pakistani politics survive Wazirabad? This is a dangerous situation. The nation awaits answers. We must know who pulled the trigger, what their motivations were, if there is anything that points to a larger conspiracy or if this was the work of a lone wolf. The chasm of distrust between one side of the political divide and the other will only widen unless those questions are answered. Any attempt to derail the investigation could cost the nation dearly.





ORYA MAQBOOL JAN MET IMRAN KHAN AND DELIVERED MESSAGE OF AHL E NAZAR





TANKS OF PAKISTAN ARMY CAME IN FRONT OF THE PUBLIC IN CANTT LAHORE 





PAKISTAN ARMY REJECTS IMRAN KHAN‘s ALLEGATIONS
INSISTS ON NAMING THE OFFICER IN HIS FIR




IMRAN KHAN DECLARES 'JIHAD' AFTER SHOOTING ATTACK ;
PAK ARMY FUMES AS EX-PM NAMES AND SHAMES ISI






IMRAN KHAN BREAKS HIS SILENCE AFTER SHOOTING 





IMRAN KHAN ADDRESSES PRESS CONFERENCE, DOCTORS EXPLAIN BULLET INJURIES









WHAT NEXT FOR PAKISTAN AFTER THE SHOOTING OF IMRAN KHAN ?
Inside Story







IMRAN KHAN's LONG MARCH & ISLAMABAD RALLY COULD LEAD TO AN “ARMY INTERVENTION" IN PAK
Najam Sethi
Reply
THE FAILED ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT OF IMRAN KHAN WILL BE REVEALED AND IT'S IMPACT IN PAKISTAN. EYE WITNESS CLAIMS DEADLY FIRE CAME FROM 2 OR 3 DIRECTIONS NOT THE FALL GUY IN THE CROWD. AT THIS STAGE ONE CAN CATEGORICALLY STATE THAT THE HISTORY OF ASSASSINATIONS OF POPULAR PAKISTANI PMS AND OTHER MILITARY LEADERS IS ALWAYS A COMBINATION OF OUTSIDE FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AGENCIES. 


THE MASTERMINDS OF INSTABILITY NEED TO BE WARNED THAT THE CLOCK IS TICKING THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN MAY PLOT ALL THEY WANT BUT THEY FAIL TO REALISE THAT ALLAH SWT IS THE GREATEST PLOTTER. THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN AND ISLAM ARE TRAPPED IN THEIR HUBRIS AND FAIL TO SEE THEIR COMING DEFEAT AND FALL.




IMRAN KHAN ANNOUNCES TO RESUME LONG MARCH FROM TUESDAY








I AM COMING TO PINDI AND DG ISPR YOUR RESPONSE WAS INCORRECT
Imran Khan






IMRAN KHAN UNCENSORED COMPLETE PRESS CONFERENCE LIVE FROM SHAUKAT KHANUM HOSPITAL



PAK PM SHARIF DRAGS INDIA INTO ATTACK ON IMRAN KHAN 'INDIAN MEDIA IS DANCING ..'




THE WOUNDED KHAN, WORRIED GENERALS AND POLITICAL CHAOS
Imran wants to convey a message: either face the fury of protests or hold early polls and put the appointment of the military chief on hold.
https://www.dawn.com/news/1719123/the-wounded-khan-worried-generals-and-political-chaos

Pakistan’s former prime minister Imran Khan is in a hospital after
surviving an assassination attempt; his furious diehard supporters are protesting on the roads seeking revenge.

The government ministers, led by his traditional political arch rivals — the Sharifs — and the military generals have been caught in a quagmire, unsure of how to deal with the chaotic political situation. The assassination bid against Khan is incurring a heavy political cost.

By naming Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah and a senior security official of the ISI as the perpetrators behind his murder conspiracy, Imran has declared his warpath. With such accusations, Imran seeks to further weaken the government and drag the establishment directly onto the political battlefield.

Not very long ago, Imran and his government enjoyed unprecedented support from the establishment, unlike civilian governments of the past.


The establishment of Imran Khan

During the 90s, Pakistan was on a rollercoaster ride with successive governments of Sharif and Benazir Bhutto toppled, in popular perception, at the behest of the establishment. The decade culminated in Gen Musharraf’s bloodless coup against Nawaz Sharif in 1999. At the time, it seemed the rule of either the Sharifs or the Bhuttos would never be acceptable to the establishment again. They lived in exile, while Musharraf became the darling of the West for making Pakistan a frontline state in the war on terror.

The winds changed when Musharraf imposed a national emergency by suspending the Constitution and his popularity nosedived. Facing a mass movement for the restoration of the judiciary, Musharraf was compelled to negotiate the return of his political rivals.

The General met with Benazir Bhutto in a palatial residence in the Gulf state, with the meeting said to be brokered by his own close aide, the then chief of ISI, Gen Pervez Ashfaq Kyani, who later succeeded him as COAS. Kyani had previously served Benazir as her military secretary when she was prime minister. Subsequently, the, Saudis pressured the military ruler to accept Nawaz Sharif, who was in exile in Saudi Arabia after the coup.

Benazir’s tragic assassination paved the way for Musharraf’s ouster and Bhutto’s party coming into power. During those days, rumours were rife that the establishment believed Pakistan needed a third force to counter the Sharifs’ PML-N and Bhuttos’ PPP. Imran, who was then struggling to find political momentum, thus became an alternative choice for the establishment.

He was nurtured as a political poster boy, tapping into his acclaimed fame in the cricketing world and his heroic image among the younger generation after winning the 1992 World Cup. He gained support among many Pakistanis for setting up a cancer hospital in Lahore, which earned him the image of a social reformist.


Agent of change

Imran’s political persona blossomed after he received the establishment’s support. His party emerged as a major political force in the 2013 polls, attracting a large number of youngsters and many who were disillusioned by other politicians.

In the years that followed, Imran probably hit a jackpot as his own bitter political rival, the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif chose Gen Bajwa as the new army chief, superseding other more senior generals.

Gen Bajwa, himself a cricket lover, was already in awe of Imran’s cricketing accomplishments. The two bonded over a common vision, with Gen Bajwa reportedly inspired by Imran’s passion for elimination of corruption and in turn, Khan sharing Gen Bajwa’s views on what was required for the country’s stability. The ‘one page’ mantra echoed across the public domain.

In keeping with Pakistan’s generic and consistent political turbulence, things did not remain the same for long. The partnership was dented, the trust turned into mistrust and promises were broken.

The breakup

Differences surfaced when Gen Bajwa wanted to transfer Lt Gen Faiz Hameed — one of the main proponents of the ‘one page’ narrative — from the post of ISI chief to the head of the Peshawar corps. Khan not only opposed the move, but delayed the process, saying it was his discretion to appoint a new ISI chief. What was interesting was that Imran had not intervened on the two previous occasions when the ISI chief was appointed in his own tenure. So Khan’s stance was merely seen as wanting Lt Gen Faiz around to fulfil his ‘political whims’ and to

make him the next army chief.

The alliance of opposition parties, PDM, found the space they had been looking for to increase the wedge between the establishment and Imran’s regime. They feared that if Imran were to appoint Lt Gen Faiz as the next army chief, he would secure election outcomes in the PTI’s favour and Imran’s rule be secured for the next 10 years. Thus came about the efforts to oust Khan through a vote of no confidence.

The falling out

Subsequently, Imran launched a countrywide protest campaign against his ouster. He built a narrative of an alleged conspiracy of regime change, though the National Security Council found no evidence of such a conspiracy. Imran’s peddled theory helped him make inroads into various layers of society. His protest meetings swelled manifold and his party defeated political rivals in the majority of seats in by-polls.

The former premier has recently gained massive support, but in the process, his aggressive posturing has probably burnt bridges with the establishment. Be it the killing of journalist Arshad Sharif, the recent by-elections or the alleged custodial torture of his close aide, Shahbaz Gill, Khan targeted elements within the establishment.

Imran’s accusations intensified to the point that in an unprecedented move, the ISI chief appeared before the press along with the DG ISPR to deny the accusations and termed them false. The ISI chief, while responding to a question, said there is a consensus among ranks and file and future leaders of the institution that it shouldn’t get involved in politics. Some critics called the presser counterproductive, but others saw it as an official disassociation with Imran.

When Imran didn’t find space for his main demands, he chose to march towards Islamabad, only weeks ahead of the army chief’s appointment. Imran claims only the new government with a fresh mandate should be allowed to appoint the new army chief.



What next

Imran idealises Erdogan and believes he could rule like him after securing a two-third majority in the next polls. He feels powerful vis-à-vis the establishment, now drawing political legitimacy from massive public support and silencing his detractors’ claims that he was a puppet with no autonomous power or support. He is likely to become more aggressive in his protest campaign and so far, it is clear to see that his confrontational approach is working for his support base.

The attack on Imran’s life has sparked anger among his diehard supporters who are already protesting on the roads, triggering fears of widespread violence. Amid the unrest, Khan appeared in a wheelchair from the hospital, his legs in casts, urging supporters to continue to protest until the three, including PM Shehbaz Sharif, and the senior security official whom he accused, step down.

The wounded Imran wants to convey a message: either face the fury of protests or hold early polls and meet his previously stated demand of putting the appointment of the military chief on hold. If Khan cannot appoint the new army chief in accordance to his liking, he feels that at the very least, he can make the government cautious about who it selects or make the appointment controversial.


Imran’s demands will likely not be acceptable to either the government or to the establishment. The government doesn’t want to hold early elections because Imran has gained considerable popularity since his ouster. And for the current guardians of the establishment, it’s akin to surrendering the state before Imran who proved unpredictable,
and they feel he betrayed them and is trying to taint the image of the institution.


Imran, the government, and the establishment seem to have taken extreme positions, leaving no room for rapprochement for the time being, plunging Pakistan into political chaos.





A CRISIS LIKE NO OTHER

Maleeha Lodhi

https://www.dawn.com/news/1719420/a-crisis-like-no-other


 

THE assassination attempt on PTI leader Imran Khan has plunged the country into chaos at a time when tensions between the opposition and government were already spiralling out of control. Such violence is condemnable and unacceptable. It should have no place in the country whose tortuous history has seen assassinations of political leaders in the past. The tragic assassination of Benazir Bhutto is still painfully fresh in the nation’s collective memory. But the attack on Khan last week also confirmed the worst fears of those who had been sounding an alarm about the increasingly explosive political situation descending into violence. Khan had frequently spoken about a threat to his life but carried on with his long march to press the demand for immediate elections.


After last week’s shooting tempers of angry PTI supporters have been rising to a fever pitch. Protests broke out in many cities. In his first press conference since being shot, Imran Khan called for the resignation of the prime minister, federal interior minister and a senior intelligence official, accusing them of plotting to murder him.


He offered no evidence but called for public protests until this demand was accepted. He also said the long march would resume once he recovered. Khan’s allegations prompted a strong response from ISPR, which emphatically rejected his “baseless and irresponsible” accusations against the army.



Meanwhile, speculation continues to run rife about who was behind the attack on Khan’s convoy and who would benefit from it. Few believe the attack was carried out by a lone assailant. PTI leaders insist there was more than one gunman. Compounding the mystery was the prompt confessional video of the assailant released by Wazirabad’s local police. In a polarised environment, partisanship has been dictating the response to the murderous attempt with conspiracy theories running rampant. The Punjab government has made matters worse by its inept handling of the incident.


Unless there is political calm it would be difficult to get to the bottom of what happened in an impartial way. Accusations before an investigation has taken place will only hinder and muddy the waters in the search for the truth. Both the government and opposition need to bring down the political temperature so that a credible and transparent investigation can get underway. Never before did the country have to confront so many serious challenges in such a divided and fractured state.


The initial outpouring of nationwide sympathy for the former prime minister including from his political foes held out the hope, albeit fleetingly, that the atmosphere would become less charged. But it didn’t take long for both sides to engage in fierce verbal clashes that quickly vitiated the atmosphere.


Remarks by the federal interior minister further added fuel to the fire. Both sides accused each other of crossing ‘red lines’ and ‘politicising’ the assassination attempt. The political discourse lurched between those blaming the victim for ignoring security requirements and others holding coalition government leaders responsible.


The tragic incident has left the country even more divided. It has compounded the seven-month-old political crisis, making its resolution even more problematic. With PTI calling for countrywide protests and ‘revenge’ political turbulence is expected to continue. This at a time when even before the attempt on Khan’s life, the country was reeling from multiple, overlapping crises — political, economic, institutional — as well as the challenge of recovering from the worst climate-induced floods the country has seen. Never before has Pakistan needed to navigate these serious challenges in such a divided and fractured state.


Most significantly, intensifying political polarisation will serve as an impediment to the country’s ability to deal with a bigger challenge — a deeply troubled economy. The uncertainty generated by political unrest and turmoil is pushing the country to the edge of the economic precipice.


Far from being out of the woods the economy faces solvency challenges ahead. Despite the revival of the IMF programme, cash injections from friendly countries and other international financial institutions and assistance for floods, the country’s needs are enormous to finance the current account deficit and meet external debt obligations.


Foreign exchange reserves are at a three-year low, enough to cover just six weeks of imports. Two rating agencies, Moody’s and Fitch, have downgraded Pakistan’s credit rating. The economic damage from floods, estimated at over $30 billion, has exacerbated the country’s financial difficulties. So has the economic fallout of the Ukraine war in the shape of soaring oil and food prices and the prospect of major LNG shortages in the coming winter months.


The market has been nervous over the billion-dollar sovereign bond payment due in December. The bond has been trading at a huge discount. The government insists it has lined up adequate finances to pay this and meet the heavy external obligations ahead.

Its confidence may be based on expectations that it would secure debt rollovers and more assistance from bilateral creditors and that volatility in global energy markets will ease. The government claims it will get additional — and substantial — financial help from Saudi Arabia and China this fiscal year. But here lies the problem.


While Pakistan has faced repeated balance-of-payments and liquidity crises in the past, today it has to deal with this in an adverse external environment in which the aftershocks of the Covid pandemic and fallout of the Ukraine conflict have left supply chains and global commodity and financial markets in an unsettled state.


The impact of unpredictability on the country’s perilous external position when its foreign exchange reserve cushion is eroding cannot be underestimated. Uncertainty is putting pressure on the exchange rate with a weak rupee fuelling inflation, which continues to be stubbornly high.


Moreover, prospects of an economic recovery depend critically on the level of private investment, which is the most important indicator of the country’s growth path and sustainable financial stability. But investors remain hesitant due to heightened political uncertainty. Anticipation of more political unrest is dampening investor sentiment and reinforcing their instinct to sit it out. It is also making markets edgy.



If current political troubles continue with no end in sight, it will exact an even heavier toll on a struggling economy, increase people’s economic hardship and leave the country in a more ungovernable state — regardless of cash help from friendly nations. Living on loans from outside will not fix Pakistan’s internal problems.
Reply
PAKISTAN'S CIRCUS MAYBE ENDED WITH A LITTLE HELP FROM 2 OF PAKISTAN'S ALLIES - SAUDI ARABIAN AND CHINESE INTERVENTION ON THE CARDS. THIS IS NOT REALLY SURPRISING AT A TIME OF GEOPOLITICAL TURBULENCE AND SHAKE UP OF ALLIANCES. WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR PAKISTAN?




IMRAN KHAN IS ONCE AGAIN FACING SAME DIFFICULTY AS BEFORE 




SPECIAL COMMANDOS FROM KPK REACHES TO ZAMAN FOR IMRAN KHAN




IMRAN KHAN COMPLETE SPEECH 
PTI Long March Plan For Islamabad





MBS IS COMING TO PAKISTAN AS IMRAN KHAN IS READY TO GO TO ISLAMABAD



PAKISTAN SHOULD CHOOSE RIGHT SIDE BEFORE MAKING ANY DECISION- CHINA




IMRAN KHAN WROTE A LETTER AGAINST DG ISPR AND DG ISI TO ARIF ALVI





IMRAN KHAN LONG MARCH STARTS FROM THURSDAY
PDM vs PTI
Tajzia with Sami Ibrahim



IMRAN KHAN AND PAKISTAN’s VERY SCARY FUTURE



PAKISTANIS FED UP WITH ARMY PUTTING POLITICIANS IN POWER AND REMOVING THEM
Ex-ISI chief Asad Durrani




ZAID HAMID
https://twitter.com/ZaidZamanHamid


1.This is going to be a rather provocative & candid thread on Pakistani politics today, which have come to a dead end & landed into a rather anarchic deadlock. Bringing political chaos is a global agenda today. Democracies are being killed, replaced by anarchy or dictatorships.



2. Look around. In every country it is same. What savagery they did in liberal western democracies in the name of Covid lockdowns & forced jab mandates put to shame even the worst autocratic dictatorships or even communism. This is all part of agenda 2030, Global Reset!


3. See Brazil today. The elections are leading to political & social chaos & calls for a military intervention. Just like global lockdowns under a common agenda, they plan to bring draconian dictatorships wherever they can. EU, China are ripe examples for this kind of rule.


4. But in most parts of the world, they will bring political anarchy only. Headless states, political chaos, civil unrest, economic collapse, military interventions, civil wars & external invasions, where required. Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Ukraine...etc




5. Pakistan falls in the 2nd category of country, where the globalists want total anarchy, destruction, civil war & an Indian invasion. The project started when Imran Khan was brought into power in 2018. He is a WEF agenda coordinator, just like that Trudeau, Boris, Rishi etc.


6. Pakistani nation voted for Imran under a euphoria that is the solution to the chronic cancer of Mafia rule, corruption & dynastic politics in Pakistan for decades. He was fully supported by the Military & the ISI. For the first time in decades, Civil-Military bond was strong.


7. The romance with IK started to shake very early into his government. Today he himself acknowledges that he came unprepared, did not have a team & the entrenched established mafias in civil servants refused to cooperate with him. He kept shuffling his team in panic...


8. It was very clear from the onset that he had lost control. In desperation, he turned towards the ISI & Army for doing even the most basic day to day civil matters of the government. Opposition would not listen to him either so he needed the muscle of ISI/GHQ to survive.


9. It's a simple law of politics. When the politicians or the Govt is weak, incompetent & corrupt, then the Army & Intel agencies will always caste long shadows in the power corridors, especially when the PM himself relies on their power & influence to survive on daily basis.

10. It's not just that IK was weak & had a thin majority in the parliament, he was also incompetent. Did not know a jack of national security, foreign policy & economy. So, he handed over these critical issues to his "imported" special advisors, some outright CIA planted spies.


11. Imran himself did what he knows best & feels comfortable in.... Charity work! He opened shelter homes, medical insurances, universal basic income projects (another WEF agenda) etc. Handling the opposition & all other critical state security matters were subcontracted.


12. At the international level, he was initially treated as a celebrity as well. Trump gave him a White House dinner. Saudi Arabia, Turkey, China, Russia, Malaysia reached out warmly. He famously claimed after returning from US that he feels that he has won another world cup!

13. This is where the problem started. He started to think that he is indispensable for Pakistan. "I am the only option" he once arrogantly said and firmly believed. He started to take even the military establishment head on. He started to enjoy the power, limelight & the glamour.



14. If you are a strong leader in both parliamentary majority & character & also have a strong team & you are also delivering on all fronts, then Military cannot control you or interfere in your political affairs. But this was NOT the case with IK. He failed on all counts above.


15. Imran wanted to promote a particular General as the next Army Chief, so that he can help IK get another term of 5 years. Basically, dragging army into politics & hoping to ride on their shoulders into power for next term too. Dangerous ideas lead to fatal results ....


16. But there was a problem in this risky plan. The General IK wanted was very junior. A Major General. For him to get the required promotions & seniority to qualify as the next Chief of Army meant that the present one should be given a 3 years extension. So, it was done...


17. This artificial hybrid Civil Military Govt dragged on somehow for nearly 4 years but by this time serious fractures & cracks had developed over host of issues & their handlings. Biden had come into power & he considered IK as a Trump's man. Turkey & Malaysia felt betrayed.


18. Some seriously embarrassing diplomatic blunders took place with closest of allies like Saudis, Chinese & even with enemies like India. Kashmir was annexed by India in his tenure. Afghan Taliban took power & US exited from Afghanistan. Chinese were nervous over CPEC...



19. The last straw came when he insisted that a particular General should remain as the head of the ISI while the GHQ wanted to transfer him. Serious bad blood was generated & finally Army decided to pull the plug. Once army support was gone, he was dead meat for the opposition.



20. He has been removed through a vote of no confidence in the parliament. He & his party participated in it and lost. He claims that opposition bought his parliamentarians. That seems true as well. But this is the norm in Pakistani politics always. In his time, he also bought.


21. Army had saved his govt from collapse few times earlier also. He wanted army to support him this time too. But when that did not happen, he went rogue against the army leadership & the ISI. He needed a sellable narrative, so the idea of a US conspiracy was born. Total BS.


22. Yes, Biden wanted him to go but that is NOT the reason why he is out. He is out because he started to interfere too much into the personal space of the Army & ISI to that extent that he started to dictate the postings & promotions of the army officers for his political ends.


23. This is also true that GHQ & ISI have made terrible blunders in handling him. First was when they decided to help him & thought that he can be advised & trained. One officer dealing with him told me that they hope he will be on his feet in 2 years! They really thought that.


24. The next blunder was to replace him with the most notorious crooks, traitors & scumbags in Pakistan's history. That created a bigger crisis & gave a new life to IK. In their defense, GHQ wanted to support democracy & those scums were the only alternate in the parliament.


25. So, this is where we stand today.. Supreme Court & GHQ & the Govt want the parliament to continue their terms & then go for fresh elections. Imran wants immediate dissolution of parliament, a caretaker govt & announcement of fresh dates of elections. Thats the deadlock!




26. IK is raising the temperatures dangerously hoping that it will force the Govt & the GHQ to backdown & succumb to his demands. That has created anarchy. Attempt on his life was a dangerous escalation & could have plunged the country into civil war is he had died.


27. I had asked him to delay his protests till November 27th, the date when the present Army chief is retiring. It is hoped that the new COAS will take measures to bring the political temperatures down. But IK, for some really strange unknown reasons, decided to push ahead.



28. With only 20 days left for change in Command in GHQ, IK has launched a fierce civil disobedience movement in the country. They have blockaded Islamabad & plan to march on the Capital city to force the govt to relinquish. He is taking a huge gamble & risking a civil war!


29. Why is he pushing the country to the brink? Especially when the Indians have recently given unprecedented threats of invading & taking over northern regions of Pak. He has already built a dangerous anti-Army & anti-ISI narrative deeply believed by his fanatic fan base.


30. He has recently built a very dangerous narrative that he is being treated like Sheikh Mujeeb in East Pak in 1971, which led to the dismemberment of the country. This is escalation beyond political norms, unless you want to force a civil war & a military takeover.

31.He also wants to push the present Nawaz Shareef govt out because he does not want them to name the next COAS. It is absolutely ironic that while all pol parties thrive on the narrative that military's political role should be nil, they all drag army into politics to survive.



32. Next 20 days are critical. Civil anarchy & protests. Civil war. Govt collapse. Hard Military intervention. Indian invasion... Appointment of new COAS. Political reconciliation. New caretaker Govt. All options are open. Fasten your belts please. End Thread.



A STATE OF ANARCHY
Zahid Hussain

https://www.dawn.com/news/1719854/a-state-of-anarchy

WHAT happened in Wazirabad last week was perhaps a story foretold. The gun attack on Imran Khan has pushed the country deeper into anarchy. The would-be assassin may have been arrested but the motive behind the shooting remains shrouded in mystery. The former prime minister has been quick to blame the top government leaders and a senior ISI official for plotting the attack. He has named names.


It may have been a lone-wolf action but the incident has inflamed an already volatile situation. The attack has weaponised the PTI’s ongoing ‘long march’. By directly implicating a senior intel official in the alleged plot to ‘kill him’ the former prime minister has taken the battle to GHQ.


It seems to be a well-calculated move to step up the pressure on the security establishment on the eve of a critical transition in the army high command. Imran Khan’s letter to the president calling upon him to act against the “abuse of power and violations of our laws and of the Constitution”, and to delineate “clear operational lines” vis-à-vis the ISPR has accentuated the political divide.


Who will be the next army chief?



Khan has also urged the president to take note of what he describes as “serious wrongdoings”, which were weakening Pakistan’s security, and to hold the “guilty” to account. Clearly, he was referring to elements within the security establishment.

The fear of civil strife looms large with the impending collapse of state institutions.

Khan’s appeal to the president for action seemed to have been triggered by last month’s unprecedented media briefing by the ISI and ISPR chiefs where the former prime minister was censured for his false foreign conspiracy narrative. The stand-off between the PTI and the security establishment also worsened after the alleged custodial torture of former federal minister Senator Azam Swati. The elderly senator who was arrested by the FIA last month in a case registered against him over a controversial tweet is now out on bail. He has accused two senior intel officials of being involved in the alleged crime.


Meanwhile, the release of an objectionable video featuring him and his wife has caused public outrage across the political divide. The image of the elderly senator breaking down during a press talk has shaken the country. Nothing could be more sinister than this act of videotaping the private life of an honourable member of parliament and releasing it. Predictably, fingers have been pointed at the security establishment.


Imran Khan’s insistence on nominating the intel official, along with the prime minister and interior minister, as a suspect in what he describes as a plot to kill him has intensified his confrontation with the security establishment. Unsurprisingly, the allegation drew a scathing rebuttal from the ISPR.


In a statement, the military rejected the accusation as “baseless and irresponsible” and warned that allegations against the senior army officer and the institution are “absolutely unacceptable and uncalled for”. The military has also urged the government to take action against the former prime minister for maligning the security institution.


Such scathing public exchanges are rare. They clearly show the growing hostility between the former prime minister and his erstwhile patrons. His aggression against the military leadership denotes no breakthrough in ‘back-channel talks’ with the generals. Apparently, the demands presented by Khan were believed to be unacceptable to the establishment. His rising populist support seems to have added to Khan’s hubris.


Moreover, though in opposition, the PTI has control of two of the most important provinces besides being in power in Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. Having a government in Punjab has particularly given the party huge political leverage, making it much harder for the establishment to deal with the challenge posed by the PTI.


Still, it was not possible for Khan to get an FIR registered against the senior military official whom he publicly accused of plotting to kill him. The resistance apparently came from the chief minister of the province himself. It was hard for Parvez Elahi to take on the establishment.


Despite all the efforts by the PTI chief, the police refused to register cases against the prime minister, the federal home minster and the ISI official. It is only the gunman caught at the spot who has been named in the FIR after the Supreme Court’s order to register the first information report.


It was a clear message from the establishment about the limitation of Khan’s power and was seen as a strong rebuttal to the former prime minister. But that too has not stopped him from upping the ante.


It has been a good move by the prime minister to request the Supreme Court chief justice to form a full bench commission to probe the Wazirabad incident. Though in favour of a judicial commission, Imran Khan has expressed his reservations regarding the investigation agencies probing the failed assassination attempt. It’s highly unlikely that he will accept a verdict unfavourable to him.


Meanwhile, Khan has announced the resumption of the long march that was suspended after the firing incident. With violence spreading to major cities in Punjab, there is little hope of the situation calming down. It may take days for the march to reach Islamabad, but the siege of the capital already seems to have begun with PTI supporters blocking main entry points.

It may be outside the president’s constitutional power to act against a serving army officer as demanded by the former prime minister but the letter sent to him by Khan highlights the widening fault lines in the country’s power structure. The events of the past one week demonstrate the unravelling of the edifice. An increasingly divided state has worsened the power vacuum.


There is a complete breakdown of authority. The fear of civil strife looms large with the impending collapse of state institutions. The ongoing political confrontation and polarisation threaten to derail the democratic process. Imran Khan’s confrontation with the establishment cannot be taken as a battle for civilian supremacy. It’s a ruthless struggle for power. The country is hurtling towards a state of anarchy with no resolution of the crisis in sight.
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INDIA EYES TO ENTER PAKISTAN AFTER THE APPOINTMENT OF NEW ARMY CHIEF








LAST SPEECH OF GENERAL QAMAR POINTING FINGERS TOWARDS IMRAN KHAN 




IN HIS LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS, CPAS BAJWA SLAMS ANTI-ARMY NARRATIVE, ASKS POLITICAL STAKEHOLDERS TO MOVE FORWARD  
https://www.dawn.com/news/1722654/in-his...ve-forward

Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa, in his final public address as the army chief, criticised anti-military narrative and urged political stakeholders to set aside labels of ‘imported’ and ‘selected’ to move forward for the country’s sake.

The army chief made these remarks on Wednesday during his speech at the Defence and Martyrs day ceremony, which is held annually at the General Headquarters (GHQ) Rawalpindi on September 6 to commemorate the sacrifices of fallen heroes of the 1965 war. However, it was
[/url]postponed this year in solidarity with flood victims across the country and rescheduled for today.

Today, I am addressing the Defence and Martyrs Day as the army chief for the last time,” Gen Bajwa, who is set to retire by November 29, said at the start of his speech. “I am retiring soon. This time, this [ceremony is being held] after some delay.”




Today, I am addressing the Defence and Martyrs Day as the army chief for the last time,” Gen Bajwa, who is set to retire by November 29, said at the start of his speech. “I am retiring soon. This time, this [ceremony is being held] after some delay.”



“To criticise the army is the right of [political] parties and the people, but the language used [should be careful],” he said.

Gen Bajwa said that a “false narrative was created”, from which “an escape is now being attempted”.

He said the army had initiated its process of “catharsis” and expected that political parties would follow suit as well and reflect on their behaviour. “This is the reality that there have been mistakes from every institution, including political parties and civil society.”


The COAS said that lessons should be learned from such mistakes so the nation could move forward.

‘Time’s come for political stakeholders to set aside ego, move forward’

Gen Bajwa said the country was facing “serious economic” issues and no one party could take the country out of the financial crisis.


“Political stability is mandatory and the time has come for all political stakeholders to set aside their ego, learn from past mistakes, move forward and take Pakistan out of this crisis.”

He stressed the need for the nation to shed intolerance and adopt a “true democratic culture”.

Gen Bajwa rued the political parties’ criticism, first after the 2018 general elections and then again following the successful vote of no confidence this year, recalling that whoever lost branded the other as either “selected” or “imported”.

“We need to reject this behaviour,” he said. “Victory and defeat are part of politics and every party will have to develop the strength to accept its victory as well as defeat so an elected government comes in the next election instead of an imported or selected one.”  He said that if Pakistan wanted to move forward then it would need to shun intolerance and the attitude of “I don’t accept”.

The COAS lauded the sacrifices of martyrs and praised their families, saying that the army would “continue to serve and protect the country”.

At the onset of the event, a tribute video was played about the recent catastrophic floods in the country and the scale of destruction they caused. The video also showcased the military’s rescue, relief and rehabilitation efforts.


‘East Pakistan was a political failure, not military one’

Gen Bajwa also discussed the army’s performance and actions in Bangladesh during the 1971 civil war, which said were topics that most people avoided. “I want to correct some facts here. Firstly, former East Pakistan was a political failure and not a military one,” he said.


He said the number of soldiers fighting was not 92,000 but 34,000 and the others were in different government departs. He added that these 34,000 soldiers were confronted by an Indian army of 250,000 soldiers and 200,000 members of the Mukti Bahini.

“Against these heavy odds, our army fought bravely and gave exemplary sacrifices which were acknowledged by Indian army chief field marshal Manekshaw.”

He said the nation had yet not owned up to these sacrifices which was a “great injustice”. “Taking advantage of this occasion I salute these martyrs and will continue to do so. They are our heroes and the nation should be proud of them,” Bajwa added.

Gen Bajwa will be retiring by the end of the month after commanding the army for six years. He was appointed army chief in 2016 for a three-year tenure, which was extended by another three years after parliament legislated on the tenures of services chiefs on the orders of the Supreme Court.


THE LEGACY OF GENERAL JAVED BAJWA
After spending six years as Pakistan’s most powerful man, Gen Bajwa leaves behind a country at odds with itself, and adrift globally.

https://www.dawn.com/news/1721635/the-le...aved-bajwa

When he became Pakistan’s most powerful man on November 29, 2016, General Qamar Javed Bajwa may not have fully grasped how consequential his tenure would be. Born in Karachi on November 11, 1960, Bajwa had reached the pinnacle of his career and held the destiny of the world’s only nuclear-armed Muslim majority country, days after celebrating his 56th birthday.


Trained as a soldier in the 16th Baloch Regiment, the general’s rise to the very top of Pakistan’s treacherous power structure would not be smooth: his predecessor, General Raheel Sharif was reportedly seeking an extension and just days before Bajwa’s nomination, “a vilification campaign on social media” against him began in earnest.

But while General Bajwa moved quickly to solidify his control over Pakistan’s political economy, the turbulence that faced his tenure in those early moments was going to be a feature, not a bug during both his three-year terms — by the end of which, he would oversee the collapse of the model of hybrid democracy that has governed Pakistan since 2008, and Pakistan’s military would experience a dramatic decline in its standing across the country.

The emergence of hybrid democracy

Despite its transition to a parliamentary democracy, Pakistan’s political economy continues to be dominated by the military, especially the army. Through overt and covert influence, the institution exercises immense control over national security, foreign policy, the economy, and politics. This influence has continued to create uncertainty and volatility in the country for decades, and the flawed and floundering democracy that emerged after General Musharraf’s dictatorship was no different.

Pakistan’s hybrid regime is coming to an end. What next?


While General Kayani, tried to reduce the military’s direct role during his tenure that lasted from 2007 to 2013, this was more of a tactical retreat than a more substantive and strategic one. The military was highly unpopular and was facing a deadly insurgency that was killing or maiming thousands of soldiers every year. To deal with the security crisis at hand, it made sense for General Kayani and his commanders to take a back seat — he called back officers “who had been seconded to government departments” in 2008.


Despite this intent, however, the military entered the fray when it had to guard its interests, key among them being the Memogate Scandal soon after the American raid which killed Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad on May 2, 2011. During that episode, Kayani made it “clear that it was a conspiracy against” Pakistan’s military, and the episode brought to the forefront once more the power wielded by the military, especially the general who headed the Pakistan Army.

Appointed by General Musharraf as his successor, Kayani also ended up getting an extension in July 2010. This precedent would soon plague successive prime ministers, including Imran Khan.

Despite this turbulence, it was during Kayani’s tenure that Pakistan saw the first-ever smooth transition of power from one civilian government to another. Nawaz Sharif, who became prime minister for a third time, would once more get to pick an army chief, announcing on November 27, 2013 that Lieutenant General Raheel Sharif would be promoted to the chief of army staff’s position following General Kayani’s retirement.

General Sharif hailed from a family of soldiers, with his brother Major Shabbir Sharif posthumously receiving the Nishan-e-Haider for his service in the 1971 war. At the time of his appointment, General Sharif had been serving as the Inspector General for Training and Evaluation, helping prepare Pakistan’s soldiers for the asymmetric war the country was facing.

But while the military had to remain focused on dealing with the menace of terrorism, the historical issues that had plagued civil-military relations throughout Pakistan’s history were now going to test the shaky foundations of the country’s hybrid democracy.

The rise of the PTI

Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League — Nawaz (PML-N) emerged as the largest party in the country during the 2013 elections, winning 166 seats out of the 272 on offer. Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) came in third, winning 35 seats compared to the 45 won by the Zardari-led Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). But Khan’s star was on the rise and he was claiming that the elections were rigged.

What began as an initial demand to probe fraud in four constituencies snowballed into an opposition campaign, first through rallies in the Punjab, and then in the form of an anti-corruption movement announced on April 22, 2014. The march would begin on August 14, 2014, and was dubbed the “Azaadi March”, with Khan promising to bring a million protesters to Islamabad in a bid to pressure the Sharif government into investigating electoral fraud.

Maulana Tahirul Qadri, a cleric who led the Pakistan Awami Tehreek (PAT), also announced his intent for another protest, signalling to many that Pakistan’s powerful military establishment was seeking to weaken Prime Minister Sharif’s government in Islamabad. The protesters camped in Islamabad for 126 days, with Khan giving speeches to crowds gathered on an almost daily basis. More importantly, however, the speeches were broadcast live whenever Khan came to the stage, giving a major political boost to Khan and his party.

The protest was called off after the tragic Army Public School attack in Peshawar on December 16, 2014; 150 people died, among them 134 students. But while the protest was called off, the lack of trust between the military and civilian government had only grown. These differences came to the forefront when Mushahid Ullah Khan, a senior PML-N leader, claimed in an interview that Lt General Zaheerul Islam, who was serving as the head of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency, was planning to leverage the protests to conduct a coup. According to the PML-N leader, another intelligence agency had recorded Lt Gen Islam and “the tape had been played to the prime minister and chief of army staff.” These claims were denied by Major General Asim Bajwa, who was serving as the military’s spokesman and called the claims “totally baseless,” but were confirmed by Rick Olson, the US Ambassador to Pakistan at the time, to strategic analyst and author Shuja Nawaz.

While Mushahid Ullah Khan was forced to resign, the trust deficit between the military and the Sharif government had grown into a yawning gap. The Panama Papers revelations on April 3, 2016 jolted the entire world, including Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and his entire family. While Sharif addressed the nation and said he was not afraid of accountability, his political opponents led by Imran Khan saw blood in the waters. A petition was filed with the Supreme Court of Pakistan on August 29, 2016, and by November 1, a five-member bench began hearing the cases.


While the court was hearing the case, the civil-military deficit, which had so far been a yawning gap, became an irreparable rift: on October 6 2016 Cyril Almeida wrote a front-page article for Dawn, which highlighted the civilian government’s position that “Pakistan faces diplomatic isolation” due to Pakistan’s policies, key among them being a lack of action against the Haqqani network and failure to complete the Pathankot investigation. What followed was “an astonishing and potentially ground-shifting exchange between the ISI DG and several civilian officials.”


The Dawn Leaks scandal, as it came to be known, jolted Pakistan like an earthquake: Almeida was placed on the exit control list, the civilians issued strong denials, and by the end of October Information Minister Parvaiz Rasheed had resigned from his position due “to a lapse on part of the information minister.”

All these events unfolded in the backdrop of the Panama Papers case and an upcoming change of guard at the military: General Raheel Sharif was expected to retire on November 29, 2016. Over his three years, General Sharif had succeeded in building not only the military’s reputation — the successes in the war on terror had brought peace to much of the country — but also a cult of personality around his figure. Throughout 2016, banners appeared in Islamabad and other parts of the country, asking General Sharif to seek an extension like his predecessor.

While the army chief had tried to put the speculation to rest by saying that “I don’t believe in extension and will retire on the due date,” the murmurings did not go away. According to Shuja Nawaz in his book The Battle for Pakistan, General Sharif “had by then also become a prisoner of his own propaganda machinery.” And in a recent video, journalist Azaz Syed reiterated the reports that General Sharif had been seeking an extension to the very end.

But Prime Minister Sharif had decided to appoint a new general to run the army, eventually settling on Lt General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who had been the Inspector General for Training and Evaluation, the same position General Raheel Sharif occupied prior to his elevation to chief of army staff.


While General Sharif did not get the extension he was looking for, he did get an extremely beneficial exit package: he had been allocated lands worth over Rs. 1.35bn in Lahore and was “granted approval” to go lead Saudi Arabia’s 41-nation military alliance.

Bajwa’s rise to the top, however, was marred by false allegations regarding his religious beliefs. To his credit, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif did not let these claims change his decision and on 29 November 2016, General Bajwa was elevated to the position of chief of army staff.

The Bajwa Doctrine and “same page” governance

The early months of a new chief are spent settling into the new position and for General Bajwa, time was of the essence. The Supreme Court was hearing the Panama Papers case, Imran Khan was going for the PML-N’s jugular, and Bajwa’s own posting had been mired in controversy, courtesy the vilification campaign referenced earlier.

But Bajwa inherited an institution and a political economy that had largely recovered from the impact of the Musharraf dictatorship: terrorism had been dealt a heavy blow, counter-terror operations in urban cities like Karachi had enhanced the military’s operational and political footprint, and money was flowing into the economy.

By December 2016, General Bajwa was in his stride, reshuffling the top brass of the military including the removal of Lt General Rizwan Akhtar from the ISI and Lt General Asim Salim Bajwa from the military’s media wing.

On July 28, 2017, Nawaz Sharif was disqualified from serving as prime minister and subsequently barred from public office for life; Sharif was sentenced to 10 years in jail while his daughter was given a 7 year sentence.

While the PML-N managed to hold onto power, electing Shahid Khaqan Abbasi as prime minister, it was increasingly becoming evident that PML-N would face an uphill battle in the upcoming 2018 general elections. In the months leading up to the elections, many PML-N members switched loyalties and the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) emerged as a political force that posed a challenge to the PML-N. The rise of the TLP led to speculation that this was also an attempt by the military establishment to cut the PML-N down to size — videos of military officers handing TLP workers money after a protest, for example, fueled this speculation.

As Bajwa settled into his office, he began to develop his own strategy on how to manage Pakistan’s political economy as its most powerful person. He believed in a “doctrine of realism which focuses on the peaceful coexistence with the neighbouring countries.” The Bajwa Doctrine, as it was dubbed, offered a lens into the army chief’s vision for Pakistan.

General Bajwa, according to Sohail Warraich who wrote about the Bajwa Doctrine, believed in a democratic future for Pakistan. He was “courageous” in saying that “Pakistan has no expansionist designs about Afghanistan” and wanted to rebuild ties with the likes of the United States and Saudi Arabia, who “were unhappy with the Nawaz government.”


Bajwa believed that normalisation with India was in Pakistan’s interest and that India would soon “realise the need of a peace dialogue with Pakistan.” The army chief was also committed to eliminating terrorism, and wanted to make sure that “no safe havens be spared” for terrorists.

Bajwa also believed “that [the] army had no direct role in politics but had reservations about the 18th Amendment, which he would be “happy to do away with.” Reports also suggested that the army chief “stressed that the army will support and assist the civilian government for national interest” and that the general will “not do anything that upends existing structures and dynamics.”

A few months after the Bajwa Doctrine came to light, Pakistan had a new prime minister: Imran Khan had ascended the constitutional throne of power in Pakistan’s democracy with the opposition parties calling into question the 2018 elections.

Some years ago, Khan had vehemently argued that the 2013 elections were rigged. Now in power, he faced an opposition wielding the same arguments against him. Despite the shrill objections of the opposition and a collapsing economy, Khan argued after celebrating his first 100 days in power that “there’s not a single decision that doesn’t have the support of the army.”

This same-page mantra was to be repeated time and time again during Khan’s three-and-a-half-year government, and for much of that period, this was true.

But the early months of the government indicated that Pakistan’s powerful military establishment had come a long way from General Kayani’s decision to withdraw military officers from secondment. Under General Bajwa, the military, especially Bajwa himself as chief of army staff, began to play a more overt role in the daily governance of the country.

For example, Bajwa and his institution began overseeing the fight against locusts and a serving major general was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Naya Pakistan Housing and Development Authority (NAPHDA). The strategic China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) facing various challenges, required a new agency: Lt. Gen. (retd.) Asim Saleem Bajwa was appointed chairman of the newly-formed CPEC Authority.

Bajwa also significantly increased his own involvement in diplomatic and economic affairs. While his predecessors like Raheel Sharif had also engaged in diplomacy, Bajwa took things to a new level: he flew on firefighting missions to China and Saudi Arabia, after remarks made by members of the PTI government stoked tensions. Given the so-called Bajwa Doctrine’s desire to improve relations with these countries, it was only necessary for the chief of army staff to go abroad and rebuild ties after the civilians faltered.

Given his growing influence, it was not a surprise that General Bajwa was also seeking an extension when his three-year appointment ended in November 2019. On August 19 2019, Prime Minister Imran Khan decided to extend General Bajwa’s tenure by another three years. The notification, which was just two sentences long, said that “the decision has been taken in view of the regional security environment.” Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi defended this decision, saying that it signals “continuity and clarity” in leadership.

But the notification was not going to be the end of the drama: on November 26, 2019, Pakistan’s Supreme Court suspended the extension, and subsequently provided for a 6-month extension in his tenure, with parliament required to pass legislation related to the army chief’s appointment.

Paralysed due to ongoing political tensions between the ruling PTI and the opposition parties, parliament sprang into action: the legislation was rushed through parliament and by January 2020, both the national assembly and senate had passed the bills “with widespread support from both the governing coalition and the opposition benches,” sending them over to the president for his signatures. Pakistan’s civilian politicians, who could barely agree on anything of substance, magically united on a one-point agenda of giving Pakistan’s most powerful man three more years in office.

But while Bajwa was secure in his position through November 2022, Khan’s own government was beginning to realise that the same page was running out of space. The civil-military tensions that had plagued Khan’s predecessors would soon upend his own government, ending Khan and his party’s love affair with Pakistan’s military establishment, in particular General Bajwa.

End of the romance

Where did things begin to fall apart? That is a question that historians will eventually piece together based on various accounts of people who were deeply involved in ensuring that the civilians and the military, especially Bajwa and Khan, remained on the same page.

The inflection point which brought out the differences into the open was the process of appointing the successor to Lt General Faiz Hameed, who had served as Director General of the ISI. Appointed to the position on 19 June 2019, Hameed had previously served as the Director General of Counter Intelligence (DG-C) at the ISI — note that in recent weeks, Imran Khan has called out the DG-C by name, alleging that the officer in that position is behind the assassination attempt on Khan.

Hameed became DG-ISI after the removal of Lt General Asim Munir eight months after his appointment. While it remains unclear about why Munir was replaced, there are a range of theories within the power corridors suggesting that it may have been the earliest signs of a falling out between Imran and the military.

Perceived as someone close to Khan, Hameed has been accused of going out of his way to support his government in maintaining its grip on power. Opposition leaders talked of late night calls from unknown numbers ahead of votes, secret cameras were discovered in voting booths ahead of the Senate elections, and journalists critical of the Khan government were kidnapped, beaten, and even shot at. Following his ouster, the former prime minister himself acknowledged that “sometimes we would have to ask our agencies to bring those members to assembly for voting.”

It was no surprise then that Khan wanted to keep Hameed at the ISI, but the military’s own traditions and processes stood in the way. The ensuing dispute over the ISI chief’s appointment went on for weeks, with Khan telling his cabinet that “the precarious situation in Afghanistan demanded that the [then] ISI chief stay on for some time.” This logic was similar to the one deployed to grant Bajwa his extension, but the chief of army staff, the man who ultimately decides where his commanders get posted, was having none of it.

While Khan as prime minister did have the ultimate authority over appointing someone to lead the ISI, his government had ceded tremendous space to the military since coming to power. In addition, Khan’s alleged desire to see Hameed succeed Bajwa as chief of army staff, meant that Hameed had to be rotated out of the ISI to become a corps commander — army tradition demanded that a candidate for chief of army staff serve in this position.

As the military refused to accede to Khan’s request, the prime minister settled on interviewing all of the candidates nominated by Bajwa, telling his party that the issues related to the appointment “had been amicably settled” between himself and the army chief.

A new DG-ISI had been appointed and on November 18 2021, Hameed paid a farewell call to Imran Khan; he was going to be posted to lead the army’s XI Corps in Peshawar. Lt General Nadeem Anjum took over as the 25th Director General of the ISI, bringing to an end the triumvirate of Khan, Bajwa, and Hameed that had governed in sync for over three years.

The relationship between Khan and Bajwa had been strained prior to this saga as well.

On the foreign policy front, normalisation of relations with India was a point of division. An example is the reversal of the decision to resume trade with India in April 2021. Bajwa had routinely signaled the need for better relations with India and had invested significant effort to achieve and uphold a ceasefire on the Line of Control. The army chief’s desire to build on the ceasefire and pursue normalisation, however, was consistently undermined by Khan and his government’s rhetoric, which frequently lambasted the Narendra Modi-led government in Delhi as being “inspired by the ideology of the Nazi regime”.

Cooperation with the United States on counter-terrorism following the fall of Kabul was another bone of contention. While the military wanted to find ways to cooperate with Washington, Khan adopted the position of “absolutely not”. In addition, Bajwa found himself playing the role of firefighter with key allies China and Saudi Arabia, with cabinet members of Khan’s government making public remarks that irked the leadership in Beijing and Riyadh.

The economy was also not doing particularly well, and Bajwa routinely met business leaders to hear their complaints about the state of affairs — businessmen would express their concerns about the Khan government, arguing “that the government does not go beyond verbal assurances and that its words do not match its actions.” The outcome of these meetings would be assurances from the chief and the “all-out support of the army” and the chief advising businessmen to “set up more industries and enhance exports.”

These governance issues were of particular concern in Punjab, the crown jewel of Pakistan’s power politics. Usman Buzdar, a dark horse in the running for the chief minister’s position in Punjab, had been handpicked by Khan for this position. But Buzdar, had been found wanting in the role, with his job made all the more difficult due to other competing interests within the PTI. Bajwa had tried to influence Khan to pick someone else, to no avail.

The falling out between Bajwa and Khan signalled an opening to the opposition Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) parties — a new DG ISI was not interested in supporting Khan keep his coalition together, and Bajwa had had enough of Khan.

As the first quarter of 2022 neared an end, it was evident that the military, led by Bajwa, had decided to not keep propping up Khan and expending resources to keep his coalition together. While Khan alleged that the United States was behind a conspiracy to topple his government, the fact was that Khan’s benefactors were no longer interested in propping up his government.

Like prime ministers past, Khan had also fallen out of favor and while he and his party tried his best to stem the tide, their efforts proved futile. On March 8, 2022, the opposition had submitted a vote of no confidence motion to the national assembly and by the end of March, Khan’s coalition partners had publicly left the government. On April 3, Pakistan entered a constitutional crisis, with the National Assembly Deputy Speaker Qasim Khan Suri dismissing the motion, leading the opposition to approach the supreme court.

The court overturned Suri’s decision, leading to another session on April 9, with Speaker Asad Qaiser deciding to resign from his position right before midnight. A flurry of activity occurred in Islamabad, including the opening of the higher courts, and in the early hours of April 10, Imran Khan was ousted in the first successful vote of no confidence in the country’s history.

But Khan was not going away without a fight. An outpouring of public sympathy added wind to his sails and he began a national protest campaign against the “imported government” brought about by a foreign conspiracy. Khan’s speeches not only targeted the United States for conducting regime change, but also targeted the military’s top leadership, referring to them as Mir Jafar and Mir Sadiq, the former a general who had betrayed Siraj ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Bengal, and the latter another general who had betrayed Tipu Sultan.

Where do we go from here?

Khan’s agitation and public speeches targeting the military leadership is not unprecedented: Nawaz Sharif had called out both Bajwa and Hameed during his speeches when he was agitating against Khan’s “selected government.” But what has been different this time is the sheer scale and magnitude of the attack on the military’s leadership and its role in politics through the PTI’s sophisticated and unbeatable social media campaign.

While the military has tried to push back against this narrative, it has been found wanting: for the last few years, the close relationship between the military and the PTI meant that the former leveraged the latter’s communications assets, particularly on social media, to great advantage.

The end of the bonhomie, however, meant that the military was left without any significant capabilities to compete with the PTI’s machinery.

As a result, the PDM government, which had in the past condemned similar actions by the PTI, has adopted repressive tactics from the old playbook: hounding social media personnel from the PTI, intimidating journalists and anchors with a leaning towards Khan and his narrative, and coordinating with the Sharif government to pursue various cases in a bid to suppress expression.

In the PDM government, Bajwa has also found another convenient partner that is eager to cede space to the military, so long as it stays in power. As a result, Bajwa has continued to showcase the power of his office: he has had calls with the US Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman to try and secure economic assistance from the IMF, continued to engage with foreign leaders, and members of his institution have continued to engage in political affairs.

As Bajwa retires and ends his six year tenure as chief of army staff, the painstaking work his predecessors did to rebuild the military’s reputation and stature has been brought to nothing, if sentiments on social media are anything to go by. While Bajwa professed a desire to strengthen democracy, he has left behind a political economy that is ripping apart at the seams. His desire to insert the military into the economic and business policy making domains has yielded suboptimal results.

In Bajwa’s last days in office, a journalist who was hounded out of Pakistan has been brutally murdered in a targeted attack in Kenya and the country’s former prime minister, who is arguably the most popular politician in the country, barely survived an assassination attempt. The military, long seen as a guarantor in the political disputes that routinely engulf Pakistan, has had its image tarnished, perhaps beyond repair.

It is also ironic in a way that the key risks highlighted in the Dawn Leaks saga did come to pass. Pakistan’s grey-listing by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) forced a change of policy, with Pakistan going so far as to punish Sajid Mir, a man on FBI’s most wanted terrorist lists. For years, Pakistan’s military and civilian leadership had claimed that Mir had been dead. However, intelligence gathered by the United States and subsequently shared with the Pakistanis, proved that Mir was alive and in Pakistan. In order to get Pakistan removed from the FATF grey-list, the military finally had to act, and only when Mir was punished did the FATF logjam come to an end.

In terms of the relationship with India, the military is now eager to open trade and explore normalisation of ties. This again is an about face, because years earlier when Nawaz Sharif tried to pursue a similar path, with Narendra Modi coming to Lahore in a surprise visit, the three-time prime minister was called a traitor and was undermined.

Worst of all, Bajwa leaves behind an institution in a state of flux, with the army’s internal divides and rivalries coming out into the limelight. These developments are breeding concern about the military’s unity of command, especially in countries concerned about Pakistan’s stability.

The military’s growth in terms of influence and power has also brought about a lot of additional economic opportunities. The institution remains a dominant economic actor in the country, gaining in excess of $1.7bn in annual benefits “mainly in the form of preferential access to land, capital and infrastructure, as well as tax exemptions.” In addition, the continued policy of either seconding military officers to key government posts, or appointing retired officers to government agencies or state-owned enterprises, has become a powerful tool of patronage. No-bid contracts to military-run organizations have also become the norm.

Given the stakes, it is no surprise that there are internal divisions within the military leadership over who gets to succeed Bajwa, and by extension, control the resources and power on offer.

Bajwa’s legacy, then, is of a man that inherited a largely stable political system. A flawed but floundering democracy was slowly making progress, and while an emerging contender for power in the form of Imran Khan and his PTI was giving the status quo parties a run for their money, he would have been unable to become prime minister without the establishment’s support.

On the economic front, while there was a brewing economic crisis at hand in 2018, it was not an unmanageable one. Foreign relations were in flux, but there was enough latent capacity to maintain good relations with key partners, including the United States, Saudi Arabia, and China. But the political upheaval caused during the Bajwa years, much of it driven by the military establishment’s growing interference in politics, turbocharged the pace at which things deteriorated. Relations with India remain frozen, with the military now closer to Nawaz Sharif’s position prior to his ouster. On the western front, the return of a Taliban regime has created new terrorism challenges for the country, with a resurgent TTP mounting attacks and demonstrating reach in areas like Swat.

After spending six years as Pakistan’s most powerful man, Bajwa leaves a country in a significantly weaker position: society is deeply polarized, the economy is on the brink of default, foreign partners are withholding significant support due to the ensuing political instability, and the long-term bet on Khan has blown up in the military’s face. Such has been the failure of this experiment that the military is back to dealing with the likes of Zardari and Nawaz to stabilise a collapsing political economy.

Bajwa’s successor, then, has his work cut out for him. While the military is professing that it is apolitical — something we have heard in the past as well — the next chief will quickly realise that remaining apolitical is easier said than done. The hybrid democracy that emerged following the end of the Musharraf dictatorship has become untenable, largely due to the military’s own actions. Today, there are no off-ramps available for negotiating a new compact across and within institutions, and the military cannot simply retreat into the barracks.

The risk then, is that the ongoing chaos leads Bajwa’s successor to make more poor choices. Given that the military’s role in Pakistan’s political economy has only grown during Bajwa’s tenure, it may be likely that a new chief feels confident enough in doing things his own way. This temptation has always been there for army chiefs across Pakistan’s history: the civilians are incompetent, they argue, so we need to run the show ourselves, because if we do not, Pakistan will fall apart.

Bajwa’s successor would be well-advised to learn from history and realise that overt and covert intervention by the military in Pakistan’s political economy does more harm than good.

The best choice would then be to take a back seat, perhaps akin to the approach Kayani adopted, and in an organised manner withdraw the military from political and economic affairs. This, however, is easier said than done and will require immense restraint on the part of the top military leadership.

For Bajwa, this is the end of the road and he must be judged by his own doctrine, where it was stated that he “would not like to be remembered as Nero playing flute when Rome was on fire,” concluding by stating that the “success of any doctrine is not measured by intentions but by the results.” Given the state of Pakistan today, it will not take a genius to figure out how Bajwa’s reign ought to be judged.
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