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PAKISTAN'S VISION 2025
THE FAILED ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT OF IMRAN KHAN WILL BE REVEALED AND IT'S IMPACT IN PAKISTAN. EYE WITNESS CLAIMS DEADLY FIRE CAME FROM 2 OR 3 DIRECTIONS NOT THE FALL GUY IN THE CROWD. AT THIS STAGE ONE CAN CATEGORICALLY STATE THAT THE HISTORY OF ASSASSINATIONS OF POPULAR PAKISTANI PMS AND OTHER MILITARY LEADERS IS ALWAYS A COMBINATION OF OUTSIDE FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AGENCIES. 


THE MASTERMINDS OF INSTABILITY NEED TO BE WARNED THAT THE CLOCK IS TICKING THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN MAY PLOT ALL THEY WANT BUT THEY FAIL TO REALISE THAT ALLAH SWT IS THE GREATEST PLOTTER. THE ENEMIES OF PAKISTAN AND ISLAM ARE TRAPPED IN THEIR HUBRIS AND FAIL TO SEE THEIR COMING DEFEAT AND FALL.




IMRAN KHAN ANNOUNCES TO RESUME LONG MARCH FROM TUESDAY








I AM COMING TO PINDI AND DG ISPR YOUR RESPONSE WAS INCORRECT
Imran Khan






IMRAN KHAN UNCENSORED COMPLETE PRESS CONFERENCE LIVE FROM SHAUKAT KHANUM HOSPITAL



PAK PM SHARIF DRAGS INDIA INTO ATTACK ON IMRAN KHAN 'INDIAN MEDIA IS DANCING ..'




THE WOUNDED KHAN, WORRIED GENERALS AND POLITICAL CHAOS
Imran wants to convey a message: either face the fury of protests or hold early polls and put the appointment of the military chief on hold.
https://www.dawn.com/news/1719123/the-wounded-khan-worried-generals-and-political-chaos

Pakistan’s former prime minister Imran Khan is in a hospital after
surviving an assassination attempt; his furious diehard supporters are protesting on the roads seeking revenge.

The government ministers, led by his traditional political arch rivals — the Sharifs — and the military generals have been caught in a quagmire, unsure of how to deal with the chaotic political situation. The assassination bid against Khan is incurring a heavy political cost.

By naming Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah and a senior security official of the ISI as the perpetrators behind his murder conspiracy, Imran has declared his warpath. With such accusations, Imran seeks to further weaken the government and drag the establishment directly onto the political battlefield.

Not very long ago, Imran and his government enjoyed unprecedented support from the establishment, unlike civilian governments of the past.


The establishment of Imran Khan

During the 90s, Pakistan was on a rollercoaster ride with successive governments of Sharif and Benazir Bhutto toppled, in popular perception, at the behest of the establishment. The decade culminated in Gen Musharraf’s bloodless coup against Nawaz Sharif in 1999. At the time, it seemed the rule of either the Sharifs or the Bhuttos would never be acceptable to the establishment again. They lived in exile, while Musharraf became the darling of the West for making Pakistan a frontline state in the war on terror.

The winds changed when Musharraf imposed a national emergency by suspending the Constitution and his popularity nosedived. Facing a mass movement for the restoration of the judiciary, Musharraf was compelled to negotiate the return of his political rivals.

The General met with Benazir Bhutto in a palatial residence in the Gulf state, with the meeting said to be brokered by his own close aide, the then chief of ISI, Gen Pervez Ashfaq Kyani, who later succeeded him as COAS. Kyani had previously served Benazir as her military secretary when she was prime minister. Subsequently, the, Saudis pressured the military ruler to accept Nawaz Sharif, who was in exile in Saudi Arabia after the coup.

Benazir’s tragic assassination paved the way for Musharraf’s ouster and Bhutto’s party coming into power. During those days, rumours were rife that the establishment believed Pakistan needed a third force to counter the Sharifs’ PML-N and Bhuttos’ PPP. Imran, who was then struggling to find political momentum, thus became an alternative choice for the establishment.

He was nurtured as a political poster boy, tapping into his acclaimed fame in the cricketing world and his heroic image among the younger generation after winning the 1992 World Cup. He gained support among many Pakistanis for setting up a cancer hospital in Lahore, which earned him the image of a social reformist.


Agent of change

Imran’s political persona blossomed after he received the establishment’s support. His party emerged as a major political force in the 2013 polls, attracting a large number of youngsters and many who were disillusioned by other politicians.

In the years that followed, Imran probably hit a jackpot as his own bitter political rival, the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif chose Gen Bajwa as the new army chief, superseding other more senior generals.

Gen Bajwa, himself a cricket lover, was already in awe of Imran’s cricketing accomplishments. The two bonded over a common vision, with Gen Bajwa reportedly inspired by Imran’s passion for elimination of corruption and in turn, Khan sharing Gen Bajwa’s views on what was required for the country’s stability. The ‘one page’ mantra echoed across the public domain.

In keeping with Pakistan’s generic and consistent political turbulence, things did not remain the same for long. The partnership was dented, the trust turned into mistrust and promises were broken.

The breakup

Differences surfaced when Gen Bajwa wanted to transfer Lt Gen Faiz Hameed — one of the main proponents of the ‘one page’ narrative — from the post of ISI chief to the head of the Peshawar corps. Khan not only opposed the move, but delayed the process, saying it was his discretion to appoint a new ISI chief. What was interesting was that Imran had not intervened on the two previous occasions when the ISI chief was appointed in his own tenure. So Khan’s stance was merely seen as wanting Lt Gen Faiz around to fulfil his ‘political whims’ and to

make him the next army chief.

The alliance of opposition parties, PDM, found the space they had been looking for to increase the wedge between the establishment and Imran’s regime. They feared that if Imran were to appoint Lt Gen Faiz as the next army chief, he would secure election outcomes in the PTI’s favour and Imran’s rule be secured for the next 10 years. Thus came about the efforts to oust Khan through a vote of no confidence.

The falling out

Subsequently, Imran launched a countrywide protest campaign against his ouster. He built a narrative of an alleged conspiracy of regime change, though the National Security Council found no evidence of such a conspiracy. Imran’s peddled theory helped him make inroads into various layers of society. His protest meetings swelled manifold and his party defeated political rivals in the majority of seats in by-polls.

The former premier has recently gained massive support, but in the process, his aggressive posturing has probably burnt bridges with the establishment. Be it the killing of journalist Arshad Sharif, the recent by-elections or the alleged custodial torture of his close aide, Shahbaz Gill, Khan targeted elements within the establishment.

Imran’s accusations intensified to the point that in an unprecedented move, the ISI chief appeared before the press along with the DG ISPR to deny the accusations and termed them false. The ISI chief, while responding to a question, said there is a consensus among ranks and file and future leaders of the institution that it shouldn’t get involved in politics. Some critics called the presser counterproductive, but others saw it as an official disassociation with Imran.

When Imran didn’t find space for his main demands, he chose to march towards Islamabad, only weeks ahead of the army chief’s appointment. Imran claims only the new government with a fresh mandate should be allowed to appoint the new army chief.



What next

Imran idealises Erdogan and believes he could rule like him after securing a two-third majority in the next polls. He feels powerful vis-à-vis the establishment, now drawing political legitimacy from massive public support and silencing his detractors’ claims that he was a puppet with no autonomous power or support. He is likely to become more aggressive in his protest campaign and so far, it is clear to see that his confrontational approach is working for his support base.

The attack on Imran’s life has sparked anger among his diehard supporters who are already protesting on the roads, triggering fears of widespread violence. Amid the unrest, Khan appeared in a wheelchair from the hospital, his legs in casts, urging supporters to continue to protest until the three, including PM Shehbaz Sharif, and the senior security official whom he accused, step down.

The wounded Imran wants to convey a message: either face the fury of protests or hold early polls and meet his previously stated demand of putting the appointment of the military chief on hold. If Khan cannot appoint the new army chief in accordance to his liking, he feels that at the very least, he can make the government cautious about who it selects or make the appointment controversial.


Imran’s demands will likely not be acceptable to either the government or to the establishment. The government doesn’t want to hold early elections because Imran has gained considerable popularity since his ouster. And for the current guardians of the establishment, it’s akin to surrendering the state before Imran who proved unpredictable,
and they feel he betrayed them and is trying to taint the image of the institution.


Imran, the government, and the establishment seem to have taken extreme positions, leaving no room for rapprochement for the time being, plunging Pakistan into political chaos.





A CRISIS LIKE NO OTHER

Maleeha Lodhi

https://www.dawn.com/news/1719420/a-crisis-like-no-other


 

THE assassination attempt on PTI leader Imran Khan has plunged the country into chaos at a time when tensions between the opposition and government were already spiralling out of control. Such violence is condemnable and unacceptable. It should have no place in the country whose tortuous history has seen assassinations of political leaders in the past. The tragic assassination of Benazir Bhutto is still painfully fresh in the nation’s collective memory. But the attack on Khan last week also confirmed the worst fears of those who had been sounding an alarm about the increasingly explosive political situation descending into violence. Khan had frequently spoken about a threat to his life but carried on with his long march to press the demand for immediate elections.


After last week’s shooting tempers of angry PTI supporters have been rising to a fever pitch. Protests broke out in many cities. In his first press conference since being shot, Imran Khan called for the resignation of the prime minister, federal interior minister and a senior intelligence official, accusing them of plotting to murder him.


He offered no evidence but called for public protests until this demand was accepted. He also said the long march would resume once he recovered. Khan’s allegations prompted a strong response from ISPR, which emphatically rejected his “baseless and irresponsible” accusations against the army.



Meanwhile, speculation continues to run rife about who was behind the attack on Khan’s convoy and who would benefit from it. Few believe the attack was carried out by a lone assailant. PTI leaders insist there was more than one gunman. Compounding the mystery was the prompt confessional video of the assailant released by Wazirabad’s local police. In a polarised environment, partisanship has been dictating the response to the murderous attempt with conspiracy theories running rampant. The Punjab government has made matters worse by its inept handling of the incident.


Unless there is political calm it would be difficult to get to the bottom of what happened in an impartial way. Accusations before an investigation has taken place will only hinder and muddy the waters in the search for the truth. Both the government and opposition need to bring down the political temperature so that a credible and transparent investigation can get underway. Never before did the country have to confront so many serious challenges in such a divided and fractured state.


The initial outpouring of nationwide sympathy for the former prime minister including from his political foes held out the hope, albeit fleetingly, that the atmosphere would become less charged. But it didn’t take long for both sides to engage in fierce verbal clashes that quickly vitiated the atmosphere.


Remarks by the federal interior minister further added fuel to the fire. Both sides accused each other of crossing ‘red lines’ and ‘politicising’ the assassination attempt. The political discourse lurched between those blaming the victim for ignoring security requirements and others holding coalition government leaders responsible.


The tragic incident has left the country even more divided. It has compounded the seven-month-old political crisis, making its resolution even more problematic. With PTI calling for countrywide protests and ‘revenge’ political turbulence is expected to continue. This at a time when even before the attempt on Khan’s life, the country was reeling from multiple, overlapping crises — political, economic, institutional — as well as the challenge of recovering from the worst climate-induced floods the country has seen. Never before has Pakistan needed to navigate these serious challenges in such a divided and fractured state.


Most significantly, intensifying political polarisation will serve as an impediment to the country’s ability to deal with a bigger challenge — a deeply troubled economy. The uncertainty generated by political unrest and turmoil is pushing the country to the edge of the economic precipice.


Far from being out of the woods the economy faces solvency challenges ahead. Despite the revival of the IMF programme, cash injections from friendly countries and other international financial institutions and assistance for floods, the country’s needs are enormous to finance the current account deficit and meet external debt obligations.


Foreign exchange reserves are at a three-year low, enough to cover just six weeks of imports. Two rating agencies, Moody’s and Fitch, have downgraded Pakistan’s credit rating. The economic damage from floods, estimated at over $30 billion, has exacerbated the country’s financial difficulties. So has the economic fallout of the Ukraine war in the shape of soaring oil and food prices and the prospect of major LNG shortages in the coming winter months.


The market has been nervous over the billion-dollar sovereign bond payment due in December. The bond has been trading at a huge discount. The government insists it has lined up adequate finances to pay this and meet the heavy external obligations ahead.

Its confidence may be based on expectations that it would secure debt rollovers and more assistance from bilateral creditors and that volatility in global energy markets will ease. The government claims it will get additional — and substantial — financial help from Saudi Arabia and China this fiscal year. But here lies the problem.


While Pakistan has faced repeated balance-of-payments and liquidity crises in the past, today it has to deal with this in an adverse external environment in which the aftershocks of the Covid pandemic and fallout of the Ukraine conflict have left supply chains and global commodity and financial markets in an unsettled state.


The impact of unpredictability on the country’s perilous external position when its foreign exchange reserve cushion is eroding cannot be underestimated. Uncertainty is putting pressure on the exchange rate with a weak rupee fuelling inflation, which continues to be stubbornly high.


Moreover, prospects of an economic recovery depend critically on the level of private investment, which is the most important indicator of the country’s growth path and sustainable financial stability. But investors remain hesitant due to heightened political uncertainty. Anticipation of more political unrest is dampening investor sentiment and reinforcing their instinct to sit it out. It is also making markets edgy.



If current political troubles continue with no end in sight, it will exact an even heavier toll on a struggling economy, increase people’s economic hardship and leave the country in a more ungovernable state — regardless of cash help from friendly nations. Living on loans from outside will not fix Pakistan’s internal problems.
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RE: PAKISTAN'S VISION 2025 - by globalvision2000administrator - 11-06-2022, 12:29 PM

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